to+found+a+republic

◊ -ca adjetivo/ sustantivo masculino, femenino

1. तैरने वाला पदार्थ

Do not forget to attach a float to the fishing line to prevent its sinking.

2. झाँकी

There were many interesting floats in the Republic Day parade.

3. रेज़गारी

Bus conducters do not keep float with them to avoid giving change to passengers.

1. बहना

The dead body was found floating on the river.

2. तैरना

She kept on floating in the pool to relax.

The water in the pond was so low that the boat could not float.

3. राय देना

He floated a few ideas on the new product.

4. ज़ारी\floatकरना

This company has floated its first public issue now.

This company is floating a fresh issue of shares and debentures.

5. मुद्रा का संतुलन रखना

Countries normally float their currency against the US Dollar.

   Composed of the towns of São Pedro, São João, Monte Estoril, and Estoril, and located about 32 kilometers (15 miles) west of Lisbon along the coast, Estoril forms the heart of a tourist region. Once described in tourist literature as the Sun Coast ( Costa do Sol), this coast—in order not to be confused with a region with a similar name in neighboring Spain (Costa del Sol)—has been renamed the "Lisbon Coast." Its origins go back to several developments in the late 19th century that encouraged the building of a resort area that would take advantage of the coast's fine climate and beaches from Carcav-elos to Cascais. Sporty King Carlos I (r. 1889-1908) and his court liked summering in Cascais (apparently the first tennis in Portugal was played here), then only a simple fishing village. There are medicinal spring waters in Estoril, and the inauguration (1889) of a new train line from Lisbon to Cascais provided a convenient way of bringing in visitors before the age of automobiles and superhighways.

   As a high-class resort town, Estoril was developed beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, due in part to the efforts of the entrepreneur Fausto de Figueiredo, whose memorial statue graces the now famous Casino Gardens. Soon Estoril possessed a gambling casino, restaurants, and several fine hotels.

   Estoril's beginnings as a small but popular international resort and watering spot were slow and difficult, however, and what Estoril became was determined in part by international economy and politics. The resort's backers and builders modeled Estoril to a degree on Nice, a much larger, older, and better-known resort in the French Riviera. The name "Estoril," in fact, which was not found on Portuguese maps before the 20th century, was a Portuguese corruption of the French word for a mountain range near Nice. Estoril hotel designs, such as that of reputedly the most luxurious hotel outside Lisbon, the Hotel Palácio-Estoril, looked to earlier hotel designs on the French Riviera.

   It was remarkable, too, that Estoril's debut as a resort area with full services (hotels, casino, beach, spa) and sports (golf, tennis, swimming) happened to coincide with the depth of the world Depression (1929-34) that seemed to threaten its future. Less expensive, with a more reliably mild year-round climate and closer to Great Britain and North America than the older French Riviera, the "Sun Coast" that featured Estoril had many attractions. The resort's initial prosperity was guaranteed when large numbers of middle-class and wealthy Spaniards migrated to the area after 1931, during the turbulent Spanish Republic and subsequent bloody Civil War (1936-39). World War II (when Portugal was neutral) and the early stages of the Cold War only enhanced the Sun Coast's resort reputation. After 1939, numbers of displaced and dethroned royalty from Europe came to Portugal to live in a sunny, largely tax-free climate. In the early 1950s, Estoril's casino became known to millions of readers and armchair travelers when it was featured in one of the early James Bond books by Ian Fleming, Casino Royale (1953). In the 1980s and 1990s, the Casino was expanded and rehabilitated, while the Hotel Palacio Estoril was given a face-lift along with a new railroad station and the addition of more elegant restaurants and shops. In 2003, in the Estoril Post Office building, a Museum of Exiles and Refugees of World War II was opened.

(1893-1970)

   Portuguese artist and writer. Born on the island of São Tomé, West Africa, a Portuguese colonial possession until 1975, Almada Ne-greiros began his artistic career as a humorist and cartoonist during the First Republic (1910-26). Linked with other writers, such as the celebrated Fernando Pessoa in the Orpheu review group, he became a leader of the avant garde artists-intellectuals who became cultural rebels through their art (especially painting and sculpture) and their writings. From the beginning, he became a leader in Portugal's modernist and futurist movements, and his sense of Portuguese identity and artistic taste was shaped in part by two important journeys to Madrid and Paris before 1930.

   Almada Negreiros was a versatile artist who expressed himself through a variety of creative works: drawings and paintings, novels, lectures, and pamphlets. In Portuguese art history, nevertheless, he became immortalized through his paintings of frescos and murals, such as the pictures found in A Brasileira, a legendary cafe in Lisbon's Chiado area; his paintings at the Exposition of the Portuguese World (1940); his murals at maritime stations at Alcântara (Lisbon) and Rocha do Conde De Óbidos, as well as in other public buildings; and a prominent panel in the atrium of the Gulbenkian Foundation headquarters, Lisbon, completed in 1969, the year before his death. In addition to other forms, he experimented with geometric abstractionism.

   Politically at odds with the Estado Novo toward the end of his life, Almada Negreiros remained ambivalent when his work was showered with official honors.

(1867-1955)

   One of Portugal's most important and influential colonial administrators of the 20th-century African empire, a central figure in the management of Portugal's dispatch of an army to Flanders in World War I, and oppositionist candidate in the 1949 presidential elections. Trained as an army engineer, he attended Coimbra University and became a stalwart republican. During much of the 1890s, he served in Portuguese India, where he came under the influence of the style and policies of the British Raj. During the First Republic, he held a number of important posts in the empire and in Portugal: governor-general of Angola (1912-15), colonial minister (1915), and minister of war (1915-17), during which service he was instrumental in organizing the mobilization and dispatch of Portugal's Expeditionary Force (CEP) to the western front in 1917. Later, he served as high commissioner and governor-general of Angola (1921-24) and was named Portugal's minister to Great Britain (1924-26).

   Dismissed from his London post by the military dictatorship in 1926, Norton de Matos never held an official post again and, as he opposed both the military dictatorship and the Estado Novo, he found it difficult to practice his engineering profession while in retirement from the army. However, he remained important in post-1926 colonial policies and concepts, and attempted to put them into practice after 1945. In 1949, General Norton de Matos was the oppositionist candidate in the presidential elections and opposed the regime incumbent, Marshal Antônio Óscar Carmona. Using the law, police harassment, and other means, the Estado Novo persecuted Norton de Matos's followers and disrupted his campaign. Just before the rigged election was to be held, the aged general withdrew his candidacy, rightfully claiming fraud and intimidation. A tough if liberal reformist in colonial affairs, the senior colonial authority wrote his final book A Nação Una in 1953, calling for the regime to implement his basic reform ideas and to improve treatment of Africans in labor and race relations. Norton de Matos's prescient warnings about African policies were largely ignored, while Lisbon followed his key strategic and development concepts.

    See also Carmona, António Óscar de Fragoso.

(PS)

   Although the Socialist Party's origins can be traced back to the 1850s, its existence has not been continuous. The party did not achieve or maintain a large base of support until after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Historically, it played only a minor political role when compared to other European socialist parties.

   During the Estado Novo, the PS found it difficult to maintain a clandestine existence, and the already weak party literally withered away. Different groups and associations endeavored to keep socialist ideals alive, but they failed to create an organizational structure that would endure. In 1964, Mário Soares, Francisco Ramos da Costa, and Manuel Tito de Morais established the Portuguese Socialist Action / Acção Socialista Português (ASP) in Geneva, a group of individuals with similar views rather than a true political party. Most members were middle-class professionals committed to democratizing the nation. The rigidity of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) led some to join the ASP.

   By the early 1970s, ASP nuclei existed beyond Portugal in Paris, London, Rome, Brussels, Frankfurt, Sweden, and Switzerland; these consisted of members studying, working, teaching, researching, or in other activities. Extensive connections were developed with other foreign socialist parties. Changing conditions in Portugal, as well as the colonial wars, led several ASP members to advocate the creation of a real political party, strengthening the organization within Portugal, and positioning this to compete for power once the regime changed.

   The current PS was founded clandestinely on 19 April 1973, by a group of 27 exiled Portuguese and domestic ASP representatives at the Kurt Schumacher Academy of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bad Munstereifel, West Germany. The founding philosophy was influenced by nondogmatic Marxism as militants sought to create a classless society. The rhetoric was to be revolutionary to outflank its competitors, especially the PCP, on its left. The party hoped to attract reform-minded Catholics and other groups that were committed to democracy but could not support the communists.

   At the time of the 1974 revolution, the PS was little more than an elite faction based mainly among exiles. It was weakly organized and had little grassroots support outside the major cities and larger towns. Its organization did not improve significantly until the campaign for the April 1975 constituent elections. Since then, the PS has become very pragmatic and moderate and has increasingly diluted its socialist program until it has become a center-left party. Among the party's most consistent principles in its platform since the late 1970s has been its support for Portugal's membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Union (EU), a view that clashed with those of its rivals to the left, especially the PCP. Given the PS's broad base of support, the increased distance between its leftist rhetoric and its more conservative actions has led to sharp internal divisions in the party. The PS and the Social Democratic Party (PSD) are now the two dominant parties in the Portuguese political party system.

   In doctrine and rhetoric the PS has undergone a de-Marxification and a movement toward the center as a means to challenge its principal rival for hegemony, the PSD. The uneven record of the PS in general elections since its victory in 1975, and sometimes its failure to keep strong legislative majorities, have discouraged voters. While the party lost the 1979 and 1980 general elections, it triumphed in the 1983 elections, when it won 36 percent of the vote, but it still did not gain an absolute majority in the Assembly of the Republic. The PSD led by Cavaco Silva dominated elections from 1985 to 1995, only to be defeated by the PS in the 1995 general elections. By 2000, the PS had conquered the commanding heights of the polity: President Jorge Sampaio had been reelected for a second term, PS prime minister António Guterres was entrenched, and the mayor of Lisbon was João Soares, son of the former socialist president, Mário Soares (1986-96).

   The ideological transformation of the PS occurred gradually after 1975, within the context of a strong PSD, an increasingly conservative electorate, and the de-Marxification of other European Socialist parties, including those in Germany and Scandinavia. While the PS paid less attention to the PCP on its left and more attention to the PSD, party leaders shed Marxist trappings. In the 1986 PS official program, for example, the text does not include the word Marxism.

   Despite the party's election victories in the mid- and late-1990s, the leadership discovered that their grasp of power and their hegemony in governance at various levels was threatened by various factors: President Jorge Sampaio's second term, the constitution mandated, had to be his last.

   Following the defeat of the PS by the PSD in the municipal elections of December 2001, Premier Antônio Guterres resigned his post, and President Sampaio dissolved parliament and called parliamentary elections for the spring. In the 17 March 2002 elections, following Guterres's resignation as party leader, the PS was defeated by the PSD by a vote of 40 percent to 38 percent. Among the factors that brought about the socialists' departure from office was the worsening post-September 11 economy and disarray within the PS leadership circles, as well as charges of corruption among PS office holders. However, the PS won 45 percent of the vote in parliamentary elections of 2005, and the leader of the party, José Sócrates, a self-described "market-oriented socialist" became prime minister.

SUBJECT AREA: Paper and printing, Photography, film and optics

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Klic, sometimes known by the germanized form of his name Karl Klietsch, gained a knowledge of chemistry from his chemist father. However, he inclined towards the arts, preferring to mix paints rather than chemicals, and he trained in art at the Academy of Painting in Prague. His father thought to combine the chemical with the artistic by setting up his son in a photographic studio in Brno, but the arts won and in 1867 Klic moved to Vienna to practise as an illustrator and caricaturist. He also acquired skill as an etcher, and this led him to print works of art reproduced by photography by means of an intaglio process. He perfected the process c.1878 and, through it, Vienna became for a while the world centre for high-quality art reproductions. The prints were made by hand from flat plates, but Klic then proposed that the images should be etched onto power-driven cylinders. He found little support for rotary gravure, or rotogravure, on the European continent, but learning that Storey Brothers, textile printers of Lancaster, England, were working in a similar direction, he went there in 1890 to perfect his idea. Rotogravure printing on textiles began in 1893. They then turned to printing art reproductions on paper by rotogravure and in 1895 formed the Rembrandt Intaglio Printing Company. Their photogra-vures attracted worldwide attention when they appeared in the Magazine of Art. Klic saw photogravure as a small-scale medium for the art lover and not for mass-circulation publications, so he did not patent his invention and thought to control it by secrecy. That had the usual result, however, and knowledge of the process leaked out from Storey's, spreading to other countries in Europe and, from 1903, to the USA. Klic lived on in a modest way in Vienna, his later years troubled by failing sight. He hardly earned the credit for the invention, let alone the fortune reaped by others who used, and still use, photogravure for printing long runs of copy such as newspaper colour supplements.

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