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1 RÚN
f., pl. rúnar: [rún, raun, reyna are all kindred words, and a lost strong verb, rúna, raun, meaning to enquire, may be presumed; the original notion is scrutiny, mystery, secret conversation; Gotb. runa, by which Ulf. several times renders the Gr. μυστήριον and συμβούλιον (once, Matth. xxvii. 1), βουλή (twice, Luke vii. 30, 1 Cor. iv. 5); A. S. rún = a ‘rowning’ mystery, but also = writing, charter; Hel. rûna = colloquium, and geruni = loquela (Schmeller); cp. Old Engl. to rown, Germ. raunen; Gr. ἐ-ρευνάω is also supposed to be a kindred word (Bugge). In Scandin. writers and poets rún is chiefly used of magical characters, then of writing, whereas the derivative word raun means trial, enquiry, and rúni and rúna = a friend or counsellor.]B. A secret, hidden lore, mystery; frá jötna rúnum ok allra goða segðú it sannasta, Vþm. 42, 43; kenna rúnar, to teach wisdom, Rm. 33; dæma um rúnar ok regin-dóma, Hm. 112; minnask á fornar rúnar, Vsp. 59: saws, segja sannar rúnir, to tell true saws, Fas. ii. 302 (in a verse): a ‘rowning’ speech, vifs rúnir, a woman’s whispering, Bm.; heita e-n at rúnum, to consult one, Gh. 12, Skv. 3. 14, 43; hniga at rúnum, Gkv. 3. 4.II. a Rune or written character; the earliest Runes were not writing in proper sense, but fanciful signs possessing a magical power; such Runes have, through vulgar superstition, been handed down even to the present time, for a specimen of them see Ísl. Þjóðs. i.435, 436, and Arna-Magn. Nos. 687. 4 to, and 434. 12 mo (Ísl. Þjóðs.pref. ix); the classical passages for these spell-Runes are, Hm. 133 sqq., Sdm. 5 sqq., Skm. 29, 36, Eg. ch. 44, 61, 75, Yngl. S. ch. 7, Grett. ch. 85, N. G. L. iii. 286, 300, Vsp. 59; cp. also the phrase, rísta trénið, Grág., Fs. 56. The phrase in the old Danish Ballads, kaste runer, to throw Rúnes, i. e. chips (see hlaut, hlautviðr), may be compared to the Lat. sortes, Mommsen’s Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 187, foot-note (Engl. Ed.), or the Sibylline leaves in the Aeneid.2. Runes as writing;the word was first applied to the original Northern alphabet, which at an early time was derived from the common Phœnician, probably through Greek or Roman coins in the first centuries of our era. From these Runes were subsequently formed two alphabets, the old Scandinavian (whence again the Anglo-Saxon), as found on the Golden horn and the stone in Tune, and the later Scandinavian, in which the inscriptions in the greater number of the Swedish and Danish stone monuments are written, most being of the 10th (9th?) and following centuries.—A curious instance of the employment of Runes is their being written on a kefli (a round piece of wood) as messages (cp. the Gr. σκυτάλη), as is freq. recorded in the Sagas, e. g. Gísl. 45, 67, Fms. ix. 390, 490, Grett. 154 new Ed., Fb. i. 251 (of the deaf and dumb Oddny). It is doubtful whether poems were ever written in this way, for almost the only authority for such a statement is Eg. 605, where we read that the Sonatorrek was taken down on a Runic stick, the other instances being mostly from romances or fabulous Sagas, Grett. 144, Örvar Odds S.(fine). This writing on a kefli is mentioned in the Latin line, Barbara ‘fraxineis’ sculpatur runa ‘tabellis,’ Capella (5th century). In later times (from the 13th century) Runic writing was practised as a sort of curiosity; thus calendars used to be written on sticks, of which there is a specimen in the Bodl. Library in Oxford; they were also used for inscriptions on tombstones, spoons, chairs, and the like: there even exists in the Arna-Magn. Library a Runic MS. of an old Danish law, and there is a Runic letter in Sturl. (of the year 1241); Runes carved on an oar occur in Fs. 177: a hidden treasure in a chest is labelled with Runes, Fms. vi. 271, Sd. 146, cp. also the interesting record in Bs. i. 435 (sex manna bein vóru þar hjá honum ok vax ok rúnar þær er sögðu atburð lifláts þeirra).3. the word rún is also, though rarely, applied to the Latin alphabet; ef hann er á þingi þá skal hann rísta nafn hans ef hann kann rúnar, N. G. L. i. 171; or generally, ræki ek eigi hvárt þú rítr ø þitt eðr o, eða a, ę eða e, y eða u, en ek svara svá, eigi er þat rúnanna kostr þó at þú lesir vel eða ráðir vel at líkindum, þar sem rúnar visa óskírt, heldr er þat þinn kostr, Thorodd 162; þessi er upphaf allra hátta svá sem málrúnar eru fyrir öðrum minum, Edda (Ht.) 121.III. in pr. names, Rún-ólfr: as the latter part in pr. names of women, Guð-rún, Sig-rún, Öl-rún, Landn., Nj., Bs., Sturl., Sæm.COMPDS: rúnakefli, rúnamál, Rúnameistari, rúnastafr. -
2 GOÐ
n. (heathen) god.* * *n. pl. [all the Teutonic languages have this word in common; Ulf. guþa, n. pl., Gal. iv. 8; guda, id., John x. 34, 35; and Guþ, m.; A. S. godu, n. pl., and God, m.; O. H. G. Cot: in mod. languages masc.; Engl. God; Germ. Gott; Dan.-Swed. Gud].A. HISTORICAL REMARKS.—In heathen times this word was neuter, and was used almost exclusively in plur., as were also other words denoting Godhead, e. g. regin or rögn = numina, q. v.; and bönd, höpt, prop. = bonds, and metaph. gods:—this plur. usage seems not to refer to a plurality of gods, but rather, as the Hebrew אלהים, to the majesty and mystery of the Godhead; it points to an earlier and purer faith than that which was current in the later ages of the Scandinavian heathendom; thus the old religious poem Völuspá distinguishes a twofold order of gods,—the heavenly powers (regin or ginn-heilög goð) who had no special names or attributes, and who ruled the world, like the Μοιρα or Αισα of Gr. mythology;—and the common gods who were divided into two tribes, Æsir ( Ases) and Vanir, whose conflict and league are recorded in Vsp. 27, 28, and Edda 47.II. after the introduction of Christianity, the masculine gender (as in Greek and Latin) superseded the neuter in all Teutonic languages, first in Gothic, then in Old High German and Anglo-Saxon, and lastly in the Scandinavian languages; but neither in Gothic nor in Icel. did the word ever take the masc. inflexive r or s, so that it remains almost unique in form.2. in Scandinavian the root vowel was altered from o to u (goð to guð), [Swed.-Dan. gud], yet in old poems of the Christian age it is still made to rhyme with o, Goðs, boðnum; Goð, roðnar, Sighvat; as also in the oldest MSS. of the 12th century; sometimes however it is written ḡþ, in which case the root vowel cannot be discerned.3. in Icel. the pronunciation also underwent a change, and the g in Guð ( God) is now pronounced gw (Gwuð), both in the single word and in those proper names which have become Christian, e. g. Guðmundr pronounced Gwuðmundr, whence the abbreviated form Gvendr or Gvöndr. The old form with o is still retained in obsolete words, as goði, goðorð, vide below, and in local names from the heathen age, as Goð-dalir; so also Gormr (q. v.), which is contracted from Goð-ormr not Guð-ormr. On the other hand, the Saxon and German have kept the root vowel o.III. in old poems of heathen times it was almost always used without the article; gremdu eigi goð at þér, Ls.; áðr vér heilög goð blótim, Fas. i. (in a verse); ginnheilög Goð, Vsp. passim; goðum ek þat þakka, Am. 53; með goðum, Alm.; in prose, en goð hefna eigi alls þegar, Nj. 132.2. with the article goð-in, Vsp. 27: freq. in prose, um hvat reiddusk goðin þá er hér brann hraunit er nú stöndu vér á, Bs. i. (Kr. S.) 22; eigi eru undr at goðin reiðisk tölum slíkum, id.; Hallfreðr lastaði eigi goðin, þó aðrir menn hallmælti þeim, Fms. ii. 52; allmikin hug leggr þú á goðin, Fs. 94; eigi munu goðin þessu valda, Nj. 132, passim.3. very seldom in sing., and only if applied to a single goddess or the like, as Öndor-goðs (gen.), Haustl. 7; Vana-goð, of Freyja, Edda; enu skírleita goði, of the Sun, Gm. 39.IV. after the introduction of Christianity, the neut. was only used of false gods in sing. as well as in pl., Sólar-goð = Apollo, Orrostu-goð = Mars, Drauma-goð = Morpheus, Bret. (Verel.); and was held up for execration by the missionaries; gör þik eigi svá djarfa, at þú kallir goð hinn hæsta konung er ek trúi á, Fb. i. 371. Yet so strongly did the neut. gender cleave to the popular mind that it remains (Grág. Kb. i. 192) in the oath formula, goð gramt = Goð gramr; and Icel. still say, í Guðanna (pl.) bænum.2. guðír, masc. pl., as in A. S. gudas, is freq. in eccl. writers, but borrowed from the eccl. Lat.B. IN COMPDS:I. with nouns, goða-blót, n. sacrifice to the gods, Fb. i. 35. goða-gremi, f. a term in the heathen oath, wrath of the gods, Eg. 352. goða-heill, f. favour of the gods, Þorst. Síðu H. 9. goða-hús, n. a house of gods, temple, Dropl. 11, Nj. 131, Fb. i. 337. goða-stallar, m. pl. the altar in temples, Fas. i. 454. goða-stúka, u, f. the sanctuary in heathen temples, answering to the choir or sanctuary in churches, Landn. 335 (App.) goða-tala, u, f. in the phrase, í goðatölu, in the tale ( list) of gods, 625. 41. goð-borinn, part. διογενής, god-born, Hkv. 1. 29. goð-brúðr, f. bride of the gods (the goddess Skaði), Edda (in a verse). Goð-dalir, m. pl. a local name, hence Goð-dælir, m. pl. a family, Landn. goð-gá, f. blasphemy against the gods, Nj. 163, Ld. 180. goð-heimr, m. the home of the gods, Stor. 20, cp. Ýt. goð-konungr, m. (cp. Gr. διογενής βασιλεύς), a king,—kings being deemed the offspring of gods, Ýt. goð-kunnigr and goð-kyndr, adj. of the kith of gods, Edda 6, 11, 13. goð-lauss, adj. godless, a nickname, Landn. goð-lax, m. a kind of salmon, Edda (Gl.) goð-leiðr, adj. loathed by the gods, Korm. goð-máligr, adj. skilled in the lore of the gods, Hým. 38. goð-mögn, n. pl. divine powers, deities, Edda 1; biðja til þinna goðmagna, Bret. (Verel.) goð-reið, f. ‘a ride of gods’ through the air, a meteor, thought to forebode great events, Glúm. (in a verse), cp. the Swed. åska. goð-rifi, n. scorn of the gods, Sks. 435. goð-rækr, adj. ‘god-forsaken,’ wicked, 623. 30. goðum-leiðr, adj. = goðleiðr, Landn. (in a verse). goð-vargr, m. a ‘god-worrier,’ sacrilegus, ‘lupus in sanctis,’ Bs. i. 13 (in a verse). goð-vefr, vide guðvefr. goð-vegr, m. the way of the gods, the heaven, the sky, Hdl. 5. Goð-þjóð, f. the abode of the gods, Vsp.:—but Goth. Gut-þjuda = the land of the Goths, by assimilation Goð-þjóð, passim in old poems and the Sagas.II. with pr. names, originally Goð-, later and mod. Guð-; of men, Guð-brandr, Guð-laugr, Guð-leifr, Guð-mundr, Guð-röðr, Guð-ormr or Gutt-ormr, etc.; of women, Guð-björg, Guð-finna, Guð-laug, Guð-leif, Guð-ný, Guð-ríðr, Guð-rún, etc.; cp. the interesting statement in Eb. (App.) 126 new Ed. (from the Hauks-bók), that men of the olden time used to call their sons and daughters after the gods (Goð-, Þór-, Frey-, Ás-); and it was thought that a double (i. e. a compound) name gave luck and long life, esp. those compounded with the names of gods; menn höfðu mjök þá tvau nöfn, þótti þat likast til langlífis ok heilla, þótt nokkurir fyrirmælti þeim við goðin, þá mundi þat ekki saka, ef þeir ætti eitt nafn, though any one cursed them by the gods it would not hurt if they had ‘one’ name, i. e. if they were the namesakes of the gods, Eb. l. c.;—we read ‘eitt nafn’ for ‘eitt annat nafn’ of the Ed. and MS. In Fb. i. 23, the mythical king Raum is said to have had three sons, Alf, Björn, and Brand; the first was reared by the Finns, and called Finn-Alf; Björn by his mother (a giantess), and called Jötun-Björn; and Brand was given to the gods, and called Goð-Brand (Guð-brandr, whence Guðbrands-dalir, a county in Norway); cp. also Eb. ch. 7.☞ For the Christian sense of God and its compds vide s. v. Guð. -
3 HUNDRAÐ
(pl. hundruð), n. hundred; tírœtt h. = 100; tólfrœtt h. = 120; hundruðum, by (in) hundreds; as value, one hundred and twenty ells of the stuff wadmal; h. frítt, a hundred paid in cattle; tólf hundruð mórend, twelve hundred in dark-striped wadmal; hundrað silfrs, ? the silver value of 120 ells (= 20 ounces).* * *n. pl. hundruð; the form hund- (q. v.) only occurs in a few old compd words: [Goth. hunda, pl.; A. S. hund; O. H. G. hunt; the extended form in Hel. and old Frank, hundered; Germ. hundert; Dan. hundrede; Swed. hundra; the inflexive syllable is prob. akin to - ræðr in átt-ræðr]:—a hundred; the Scandinavians of the heathen time (and perhaps also all Teutonic people) seem to have known only a duo-decimal hundred (= 12 × 10 or 120); at that time 100 was expressed by tíu-tíu, cp. Ulf. taihun-taihund = ten-teen; Pal Vídalín says,—hundrað tólfrætt er sannlega frá heiðni til vor komið, en hið tíræða er líkast að Norðrlönd hafi ekki vitað af fyrr en Kristni kom hér og með henni lærdómr þeirrar aldar, Skýr. s. v. Hundrað (fine): but with the introduction of Christianity came in the decimal hundred, the two being distinguished by adjectives,—tólfrætt hundrað = 120, and tírætt hundrað = 100. But still the old popular duodecimal system continued in almost all matters concerned with economical or civil life, in all law phrases, in trade, exchange, property, value, or the like, and the decimal only in ecclesiastical or scholastic matters (chronology, e. g. Íb. ch. 1, 10). At the same time the word in speech and writing was commonly used without any specification of tírætt or tólfrætt, for, as Pal Vídalín remarks, every one acquainted with the language knew which was meant in each case; even at the present time an Icel. farmer counts his flocks and a fisherman his share (hlutr) by the duodecimal system; and everybody knows that a herd or share of one hundred and a half means 120 + 60 = 180. In old writers the popular way of counting is now and then used even in chronology and in computation, e. g. when Ari Frode (Íb. ch. 4) states that the year consists of three hundred and four days (meaning 364); the census of franklins given by the same writer (where the phrase is hundruð heil = whole or full hundreds) is doubtless reckoned by duodecimal, not decimal hundreds, Íb. ch. 10; and in the census of priests and churches taken by bishop Paul (about A. D. 1200) ‘tíræð’ is expressively added, lest duodecimal hundreds should be understood, Bs. i. 136. The Landn. (at end) contains a statement (from Ari?) that Iceland continued pagan for about a hundred years, i. e. from about 874–997 A. D. In the preface to Ólafs S., Snorri states that two duodecimal hundreds (tvau hundruð tólfræð) elapsed from the first colonisation of Iceland before historical writing began (i. e. from about A. D. 874–1115): levies of ships and troops are in the laws and Sagas counted by duodecimal hundreds, e. g. the body-guard of king Olave consisted of a hundred hirð-men, sixty house-carles and sixty guests, in all ‘two hundred’ men, i. e. 240, Mork. 126; the sons of earl Strút-Harald had a hundred men, of whom eighty were billetted out and forty returned, Fms. xi. 88, 89; hálft hundrað, a half hundred = sixty, Mork. l. c.2. a division of troops = 120; hundraðs-flokkr, Fms. vi. (in a verse).II. in indef. sense, hundreds, a host, countless number, see hund-, as also in the adverb, phrase, hundruðum, by hundreds (indefinitely), Fms. vi. 407, Þiðr. 275, 524: in mod. usage as adjective and indecl., except the pl. in -uð, thus hundruð ásauðum, Dipl. iv. 10.B. As value, a hundred, i. e. a hundred and twenty ells of the stuff wadmal, and then simply value to that amount (as a pound sterling in English). All property, real as well as personal, is even at present in Icel. taxed by hundreds; thus an estate is a ‘twenty, sixty, hundred’ estate; a franklin gives his tithable property as amounting to so and so many hundreds. As for the absolute value of a hundred, a few statements are sufficient, thus e. g. a milch cow, or six ewes with lambs, counts for a hundred, and a hundrað and a kúgildi (cow’s value) are equal: the charge for the alimentation of a pauper for twelve months was in the law (Jb. 165) fixed to four hundred and a half for a male person, but three hundred and a half for a female; cp. also the phrase, það er ekki hundrað í hættunni, there is no hundred at stake, no great risk! In olden times a double standard was used,—the wool or wadmal standard, called hundrað talið = a hundred by tale, i. e. a hundred and twenty ells as stated above, and a silver standard, called hundrað vegit, a hundred by weight, or hundrað silfrs, a hundred in silver, amounting to two marks and a half = twenty ounces = sixty örtugar; but how the name hundred came to be applied to it is not certain, unless half an örtug was taken as the unit. It is probable that originally both standards were identical, which is denoted by the phrase, sex álna eyrir, six ells to an ounce, or a hundred and twenty ells equal to twenty ounces (i. e. wadmal and silver at par); but according as the silver coinage was debased, the phrases varied between nine, ten, eleven, twelve ells to an ounce (N. G. L. i. 80, 81, 387, 390, passim), which denote bad silver; whereas the phrase ‘three ells to an ounce’ (þriggja álna eyrir, Sturl. i. 163, passim, or a hundred in wadmal equal to half a hundred in silver) must refer either to a double ell or to silver twice as pure: the passage in Grág. i. 500 is somewhat obscure, as also Rd. 233: the words vegin, silfrs, or talin are often added, but in most cases no specification is given, and the context must shew which of the two standards is there meant; the wool standard is the usual one, but in cases of weregild the silver standard seems always to be understood; thus a single weregild (the fine for a man’s life) was one hundred, Njála passim.2. the phrases, hundrað frítt, a hundred paid in cattle, Finnb. 236; tólf hundruð mórend, twelve hundred in dark striped wadmal, Nj. 225; hundrað í búsgögnum ok í húsbúningi, Vm. 65; hundraðs-gripr, hestr, hross, kapall, hvíla, sæng, rekkja, psaltari, etc., a beast, a horse, a bed, etc., of a hundred’s value, Am. 2, 10, Vm. 25, 39, 60, 153, Jm. 3, 30; hundraðs-úmagi, a person whose maintenance costs a hundred, Vm. 156; hundraðs virði, a hundred’s value, 68. For references see the Sagas and laws passim, and for more information see Mr. Dasent’s Essay in Burnt Njal.C. A hundred, a political division which in olden times was common to all Teut. nations, but is most freq. in old Swedish laws, where several hundreds made a hérað or shire; cp. the A. S. and Engl. hundred, Du Cange hundredum; old Germ. hunderti, see Grimm’s Rechts Alterthümer; the centum pagi of Caesar, Bell. Gall. iv. ch. 1, is probably the Roman writer’s misconception of the Teut. division of land into hundreds; this is also the case with Tacit. Germ. ch. 12: cp. the Swed. local names Fjaðrunda-land, Áttundaland, and Tíunda-land, qs. Fjaðr-hunda land, Átthunda land, Tíhunda land, i. e. a combination of four, eight, ten hundreds. The original meaning was probably a community of a hundred and twenty franklins or captains. This division is not found in Icel. -
4 SAGA
* * *I)(að), v. to saw, cut with a saw (krossinn var sagaðr í sundr).(gen. sögu, pl. sögur), f.1) what is said, statement (má vera, at sönn sé s. þín);2) tale, story, history; segja, ríta sögu, to tell, write a story; hann kemr eigi við þessa sögu, he is not connected with this ‘saga’; vera ór sögunni, to be out of the story; vera í sögu, to be mentioned in a story; svá sem sögu, to be mentioned in a story; svá sem sögur eru til, as the story goes;3) the events which gave rise to the story; hann var þá mjök hniginn á efra aldr, er sjá saga gørðist, when this came to pass;4) tale, report (eigi veit ek um sögur slíkar, hvárt satt er).* * *u, f., gen. sögu, pl. sögur; gen. pl. sagna is rare; and in compds the gen. sing. sögu- is preferred, thus sögu-bók, sögu-fróðr, where sögu-is used in a collective sense; when gen. sagna- is used it is often to be regarded as borrowed from sögn, as in sagna-fróðr, sagna-meistari; sagna from saga, however, occurs in dæmi-sagna, Stj. 560; Orkneyinga-sagna, Ó. H. 90, l. 3 from the bottom: [from segja; cp. Engl. saw; Germ. sage.]B. A story, tale, legend, history. The very word owes its origin to the fact that the first historical writings were founded on tradition only; the written record was a ‘saga’ or legend committed to writing; the story thus written was not even new, but had already taken shape and had been told to many generations under the same name; hence the written history and the story told were both alike called Saga, just as in Gr. both were called λόγος (Herod, i. 184, ii. 161, vi. 19). In some instances when history is mentioned by name it is difficult to say whether a told or written Saga be meant; the former seems to be the case, esp.in the Landnáma—þar hefsk saga Harðar Grímkels-sonar ok Geirs, Landn. 62; þar görðisk saga þeirra Þorbjarnar ok Hávarðar ens halta, 127; Vé-björn var víga-maðr mikill, ok er saga mikil frá honum, 150; þar af görðisk saga Ísfirðinga ok víg Þorbjarnar, id.; þar af görðisk saga Böðmóðs gerpis ok Grímólfs, 157; þar af görðisk Svarfdæla saga, 208; þar af görðisk Þorskfirðinga saga, 124; ok þar var Þórðr gellir leiddr í áðr hann tók mannvirðing, sem segir í sögu hans, 111. Some of these Sagas were perhaps never committed to writing; others not till a later date, when the tradition had deteriorated; but they were told and known by name at the time when the Landn. was first composed, see Safn i. 191. Written Sagas, again, are those recorded in later works,—ok getr hans í Laxdæla sögu, Eb. 334; sem segir í sögu Laxdæla, Grett. 15; sem segir í Bandamanna sögu, 22;. vísar svá til í sögu Bjarnar, 132; sem segir í sögu Njarðvíkinga, Ld. 296; sem í sögu Þorgils Höllu-sonar segir, 290; sem segir í Eyrbyggja sögu, Landn. (Kb.) 90; sem segir í sögu Eireks, Fms. ii. 214; sem segir í Vápnfirðinga sögu, 239; sem segir í Njáls sögu, Þorst. Síðu H. 170; ok nokkut vísar til í enum efra hlut sögu Hróks ens svarta, Sturl. i. 3 (lost): sem segir í sögu Ragnars konungs, Fas. i. 346, cp. 510; sem segir í Skjöldunga sögu, Yngl. S. ch. 33; sem segir í sögu Sigurðar hrings, Fas. iii. 216; í Ólafs sögu Tryggva sonar, 237; sem segir í Konunga sögum, as is said in the Lives of the Kings, 509, Jómsv. (1824) 52; sem segir í Jarla sögum, as is said in the Lives of the Earls (of Orkney), Fb. ii. 347; sem ritað es í sögu hans, Landn. 41, Eg. 589; hann kemr ok við Heiðarvíga sögu, Eb. 334.2. phrases, hér hefr or hér lýkr N. M. Sögu, see hefja and lúka; hann kemr eigi við þessa sögu, he touches not the saga, is not connected with it, Grett. 22; or kemr hann við margar sögur, Eb. 334; hann er ór sögunni, he is out of the story, Nj. 22, 29, passim; or N. M. kemr til sögunnar, comes into the story; nú víkr sögunni til …, now the tale turns, to …, Nj. 6; þat er löng saga at segja frá, it is a long tale to tell, Fms. xi. 89; lesa sögu, to read a story, x. 371; er engin saga af honum, no record of him, Grett.; skal við sögu súpa en eigi of mikit drekka, Str.; svá sem sögur eru til, as the story goes, Fms. i. 7: saga also includes the events which gave rise to the tale, hence the phrase, er saga þessi görðisk, when this tale came to pass, Fs. 3, and above. Classical passages referring to the Icel. Saga writings: þat var meirr en tvau hundruð vetra tólfræð er Ísland var byggt, áðr menn tæki hér sögur at rita, Ó. H. (pref.); flestar allar sögur, þær er görzt höfðu á Íslandi áðr Brandr biskup Sæmundarson andaðisk, vóru ritaðar, en þær sögur er síðan hafa görzt vóru lítt ritaðar, áðr Sturla skúld Þórðarson sagði fyrir Íslendinga sögur, Sturl. i. 107 (Arna-Magn. No. 122 B, whence Cod. Brit. Mus.) Story-telling was one of the entertainments at public meetings in Icel., at feasts, weddings, wakes; this was called sagna-skemtan, cp. the banquet of Reykhólar, A. D. 1119; hann sagði sögu Orms Barreyjar-skálds ok vísur margar, Sturl. i. 23; dansleikr, glímur sagna-skemtan, id.; honum var kostr á boðinn hvat til gamans skyldi hafa, sögur eða dans, um kveldit, iii. 281; such entertainments are mentioned even at the meetings of the Icel. alþing, as also at Yule time, see the interesting record of the Icel. story-teller in Harald S. harðr. ch. 99 (Fms. vi. 354–356), see also Sturl. iii. 304, 305, Fbr. (Fb. ii. 210); Íngimundr var fræði-maðr mikill, ok fór vel með sögur, Sturl. i. 9; þar vóru mjök töfl uppi höfð ok sagna-skemtan, Þorf. Karl. ch. 7; hálf-sögð er saga hver er aðrir einir segja, i. e. ‘audiatur et altera pars,’ Bs. i. 582, (mod., það er ekki nema hálfsögð saga ef einn segir.)II. tales, reports; eigi veit ek um sögur slíkar hvárt satt er, Nj. 259; jarteinir hans urðu ágætar ok fór sagan fyrir í hvert þorp, Blas. 41; seg heill sögu! Fms. vi. 207; er yðr þá eigi segjandz-saga til, Ó. H. 206; það verðr að segja svá hverja sögu sem hún gengr, a saying, every saga must be told as it happened:—sönn saga, a true story; skrök-saga, lygisaga, a fable; dæmi-saga, a parable; álfa-sögur, trolla-sögur, galdra-sögur, útilegu-manna sögur.COMPDS: sögubók, sögubrot, söguefni, söguligr, Söguljóð, sögumaðr, sögumeistari, sögusögn, söguþáttr. -
5 EYKT
f.1) half-past three o’clock, p. m. (var þat nær e. dags);2) time of three hours (þá er þógn hafði verit nær hálfa e.).* * *eykð, f. three or half-past three o’clock P. M.; many commentaries have been written upon this word, as by Pal Vídalín Skýr., Finn Johnson in H. E. i. 153 sqq. note 6, and in Horologium, etc. The time of eykð is clearly defined in K. Þ. K. 92 as the time when the sun has past two parts of the ‘útsuðr’ (q. v.) and has one part left, that is to say, half-past three o’clock P. M.: it thus nearly coincides with the eccl. Lat. nona (three o’clock P. M.); and both eykt and nona are therefore used indiscriminately in some passages. Sunset at the time of ‘eykð’ is opposed to sunrise at the time of ‘dagmál,’ q. v. In Norway ‘ykt’ means a luncheon taken about half-past three o’clock. But the passage in Edda—that autumn ends and winter begins at sunset at the time of eykt—confounded the commentators, who believed it to refer to the conventional Icel. winter, which (in the old style) begins with the middle of October, and lasts six months. In the latitude of Reykholt—the residence of Snorri—the sun at this time sets about half-past four. Upon this statement the commentators have based their reasoning both in regard to dagmál and eykt, placing the eykt at half-past four P. M. and dagmál at half-past seven A. M., although this contradicts the definition of these terms in the law. The passage in Edda probably came from a foreign source, and refers not to the Icel. winter but to the astronomical winter, viz. the winter solstice or the shortest day; for sunset at half-past three is suited not to Icel., but to the latitude of Scotland and the southern parts of Scandinavia. The word is also curious from its bearing upon the discovery of America by the ancients, vide Fb. l. c. This sense ( half-past three) is now obsolete in Icel., but eykt is in freq. use in the sense of trihorium, a time of three hours; whereas in the oldest Sagas no passage has been found bearing this sense,—the Bs. i. 385, 446, and Hem. l. c. are of the 13th and 14th centuries. In Norway ykt is freq. used metaph. of all the four meal times in the day, morning-ykt, midday-ykt, afternoon-ykt (or ykt proper), and even-ykt. In old MSS. (Grág., K. Þ. K., Hem., Heið. S.) this word is always spelt eykð or eykþ, shewing the root to be ‘auk’ with the fem. inflex. added; it probably first meant the eke-meal, answering to Engl. lunch, and thence came to mean the time of day at which this meal was taken. The eccl. law dilates upon the word, as the Sabbath was to begin at ‘hora nona;’ hence the phrase, eykt-helgr dagr (vide below). The word can have no relation to átta, eight, or átt, plaga coeli. At present Icel. say, at eykta-mótum, adv. at great intervals, once an eykt, once in three hours.I. half-past three; þá er eykð er útsuðrs-átt er deild í þriðjunga, ok hefir sól gengna tvá hluti en einn ógenginn, K. Þ. K. 92; net skal öll upp taka fyrir eykð, 90; helgan dag eptir eykð, 88; ef þeir hafa unnit á eykð, 94; enda skal hann undan honum hafa boðit fyrir miðjan dag en hinn skal hafa kosit at eykþ, Grág. i. 198; ok á maðr kost at stefna fyrir eykþ ef vill, 395; í þat mund dags er tók út eyktina, Fms. xi. 136; eptir eykt dags, rendering of the Lat. ‘vix decima parte diei reliqua,’ Róm. 313; þeir gengu til eyktar, ok höfðu farit árla morguns, en er nón var dags, etc., Fs. 176; at eykð dags þá kómu heim húskarlar Barða. Ísl. ii. 329; nú vættir mik at þar komi þér nær eykð dags, 345; var þat nær eykð dags, 349; var hón at veraldligu verki þangat til er kom eykð, þá fór hón til bænar sinnar at nóni, Hom. (St.) 59.COMPDS: eykðarhelgr, eyktarstaðr, eykðartíð.II. trihorium; en er liðin var nær ein eykt dags, Bs. i. 446; at þat mundi verit hafa meir en hálf eykt, er hann vissi ekki til sín, 385; þessi flaug vanst um eina eykð dags, Hem. (Hb.) -
6 flutning
f.1) transport, carriage of goods, conveyance of persons;2) statement, report (cf. flutningr).* * *f., used as masc. ( flutningr) in Norse writers, Gþl. 432, in mod. usage masc. throughout, [flytja]:—transport, carriage of goods; flutning hálfa, Pm. 122; f. öll, Vm. 150; allar flutningar, Grág. ii. 357, 359, Fms. iv. 121, viii. 179, Band. 2:—conveyance of persons, Eg. 75, 477: in mod. usage also = farmr.2. masc. in the metaph. sense, help, negotiation, intervention, Hrafn. 14, Fms. vii. 17, ix. 295; mála-f., pleading, Hrafn. 17:—report, var þat þeirra flutningr, they reported, Fms. x. 97, Bs. i. 702, 775; but fem., 701.COMPDS:1. fem., flutningar-maðr, m. a carrier of goods, Grág. ii. 383, Glúm. 393, Vm. 16. flutninga-skip, n. a ferry-boat, Vm. 15.2. masc., flutnings-maðr, m. a pleader, Eg. 172, 467, Hkr. iii. 27, Sturl. ii. 17. -
7 vé-fengja
d, to deliver a véfang, q. v.; ef þær sakir eru nökkurar er þeir verða eigi ásáttir á dóm sinn, ok skolu þeir þá véfengja, … segi ek þat Guði, at ek mun þat v. er ek hygg lög vera, … nema þar (viz. in the quarter-court) verði enn véfengit (a remnant of a strong inflexion), þá skal lúkask í fimtar-dómi, Grág. ii. 324; þeir eigu at væfengja er þrír eru hvárir-tveggju, ok fara svá at véfangi sem at fjórðungs-dómi, 274; véfengja mál, þeir munu ætla at v. brennu-málit ok láta eigi dæma mega, Nj. 240, cp. 150.2. in mod. usage to impugn, doubt a statement; viltú v. það sem eg segi? eg vil ekki v. það; or also, eg véfengi þig ekki, I impugn not thy veracity.
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