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1 samostalnik
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2 dъ̑lgъ
dъ̑lgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `debt'Page in Trubačev: V 179-180Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dȗg `debt' [m o]Slovene:dȏɫg `debt' [m o], doɫgȃ [Gens]Bulgarian:dălg `debt' [m o]Comments: Possibly a borrowing from Gothic. Within Germanic the noun is isolated. A plausible cognate is OIr. dligid `be entitled to, deserve'.Other cognates:Notes:Possibly a borrowing from Gothic. Within Germanic the noun is isolated. A plausible cognate is OIr. dligid `be entitled to, deserve'. -
3 vodà
vodà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `water'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vodá `water' [f ā], vódu [Accs]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vòda `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];Čak. vodȁ (Vrgada, Novi, Hvar) `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];Čak. vodȁ (Orbanići) `water' [f ā], vȍdo [Accs]Slovene:vóda `water' [f ā]Bulgarian:vodá `water' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯ondōrLithuanian:vanduõ `water' [m n] 3aLatvian:Old Prussian:wundan `water';unds `water'Indo-European reconstruction: The origin of *vodà is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- `water'. The fact that the etymon was not affected by Winter's law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of * voda continues the Gsg. * (v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun * vondōr, with a nasal infix originating from a suffix, as in Latv. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence ndn blocked Winter's law (cf. the regular acute in Lith. vanduõ). The vocalism * vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when *un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. -> * ogn'ь).Other cognates:Skt. udán- (RV+) `water' [n];Hitt. u̯ātar `water' [n], u̯etenas [Gens]; -
4 nešteven samostalnik
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5 sestavljenka
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6 bèrdjь
bèrdjь Grammatical information: adj. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `with young, pregnant'Page in Trubačev: I 188-189Church Slavic:brěžda `pregnant' [Nomsgf];Russian:beréžaja (dial.) `in foal' [Nomsgf];berëžaja (dial.) `mare in foal' [Nomsgf]Ukrainian:beréža `with young' [Nomsgf]Czech:březí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Old Czech:břězí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Serbo-Croatian:brȅđ (W. dial.) `pregnant, (Cr.) in calf' [adj jo];Čak. brȅja (Orbanići) `pregnant (of a cow), with young' [Nomsgf]Slovene:brẹ́ja `with young' [Nomsgf]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: berʔdiosLithuanian:ber̃(g)ždžias `barren (of a cow)' [adj] 4;ber(g)ždė̃ `barren cow' [f ē]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerdieh₂IE meaning: pregnantComments: Both *bʰerdʰieh₂ and *bʰerHdʰieh₂ would have yielded forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdʰ originating from syncope). A proto-form *bʰerHdieh₂ would therefore theoretically be possible. Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brěžda possible, suggests that an original noun *bʰori- > *fori `birther' was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406).Other cognates: -
7 bȏgъ
bȏgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `god'Page in Trubačev: II 161-163Old Church Slavic:Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:bȏg `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];Čak. bȏg (Vrgada, Novi) `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];Čak. buȏh (Orbanići) `God, Christ' [m o], bȍga [Gens]Slovene:bọ̑g `god' [m o], bogȃ [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: The Slavic noun * bogъ is usually considered a borrowing from Iranian (cf. Vaillant Gr. I: 16). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the etymon does not show the effects of Winter's law.Other cognates:Skt. bhága- (RV+) `prosperity, good fortune' [m o]; -
8 brězgъ
brězgъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `dawn'Page in Trubačev: III 17, 19Old Church Slavic:probrězgъ `dawn' [m o]Russian:Czech:rozbřesk `dawn' [m o]Old Czech:březk `dawn' [m o]Polish:Old Polish:Slovene:brẹ̑sk `dawn' [m o]Lithuanian:brė́kšti `dawn' [verb], brė́kšta `dawn' [3ps], brė́ško [3pt]Comments: We may reconstruct a deverbative noun *bʰreh₁ǵ-sk-o-.Other cognates: -
9 čarъ
čarъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `magic, sorcery'Page in Trubačev: IV 26Old Church Slavic:Russian:čáry `magic, enchantment' [Nompm o]Czech:čáry `magic, sorcery' [Nompm o] \{1\}Old Czech:čáry `magic, sorcery' [Nompm o] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Slovene:čȃr `sorcery, magic' [m o]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:keraĩ `sorcery' [Nplm o]Indo-European reconstruction: kwēr-o-Page in Pokorny: 641Comments: Unlike Baltic, Slavic has a lengthened grade vowel in the word for `sorcery'. It is possible that čarъ and čara continue a root noun.Other cognates:Skt. karóti `make' [verb]Notes:\{1\} The singular čár is uncommon. The SSJČ also mentions čár or čar (poet.) `unusual beauty, magical appeal'. -
10 dě̀va
dě̀va Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `maiden, girl'Page in Trubačev: V 17-18Old Church Slavic:děva `virgin, maiden' [f ā]Russian:déva (obs.) `girl, maiden, (D.) The Virgin, Virgo' [f ā]Czech:děva `girl, maiden' [f ā];díva (dial.) `girl, maiden' [f ā]Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:djéva `girl, maiden' [f ā];Čak. Dȋva (Marȉja) (Vrgada) `The Virgin (Mary)' [f ā] \{1\}Slovene:dẹ́va `maiden, virgin' [f ā]Bulgarian:déva `maiden, virgin' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 241Other cognates:Gk. θη̃λυς `feminine' [adj];Notes:\{1\} The noun djéva seems to be a hypercoristic of djèvōjka (RJA II 449-450) and cannot be regarded as a direct continuation of *dě̀va. The RJA has also djȅv (18th c.) [f i] and djȅva `virgo', which do not belong to the living language. The status of the accentuation of these words is unclear to me. -
11 dojidlo
dojidlo Grammatical information: n. oPage in Trubačev: V 52-53Russian:dójlo (Da l') `quantity of milk produced by one head of cattle in a twenty-four-hour period, worthless milk' [n o]Czech:Slovene:dojílọ `breast-feeding, milking' [n o]Bulgarian:dójlo `milking' [n o]Page in Pokorny: 241Comments: Deverbative noun in *- dlo. See -> *dojìti. -
12 dura
dura Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 160Belorussian:dzjurá `hole' [f ā]Ukrainian:djúra `hole' [f ā]Czech:d'úra (E. Mor. dial.) `hole' [f ā];Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:ʒu̇̂ră `hole' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 206Comments: West Slavic cognate of * dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish). According to Sɫawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dzióra. This form may derive from OPl. drać, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun * dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.). -
13 dьlgotà
dьlgotà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `length'Page in Trubačev: V 208Old Church Slavic:Russian:dolgotá `length' [f ā]Slovincian:dlägùŏtă `length' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:dugòta `length' [f ā]Slovene:doɫgóta `length' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 197Other cognates:Skt. dīrghá- `long'; -
14 ęzỳkъ
ęzỳkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `tongue, language'Page in Trubačev: VI 74-75Old Church Slavic:językъ `tongue, language, nation' [m o]Russian:jazýk `tongue, language' [m o]Czech:Slovak:Polish:język `tongue, language' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:jèzik `tongue, language' [m o];Čak. jazȉk (Vrgada) `tongue, language' [m o];Čak. zajȉk (Novi, Orbanići) `tongue, language' [m o]Slovene:jézik `tongue, language' [m o], jezíka [Gens]Bulgarian:ezík `tongue, language' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: inźuʔ-Lithuanian:liežùvis `tongue' [m io] 2Old Prussian:insuwis `tongue'Indo-European reconstruction: dnǵʰ-uh₂-IE meaning: tongueCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 223Comments: Apparently, the Balto-Slavic noun *inźuʔ- (with loss of initial *d) acquired the suffix *-kъ in Slavic. The nasal vowel of the root is reflected as short in the languages where quantitative differences can be observed, which points to original suffixal stress.Other cognates:Skt. jihvā́- (RV+) `tongue' [f]; -
15 ěrostь
ěrostь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `fury'Page in Trubačev: VIII 177Old Church Slavic:Russian:járost' `fury, rage' [f i]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:járōst `fury, anger' [f i]Slovene:jarọ̑st `fury, anger' [f i]Bulgarian:járost `fury, anger' [f i]Page in Pokorny: 501Comments: Abstract noun in *- ostь (-> *ěrъ II). -
16 klěščiti
klěščiti Grammatical information: v.Page in Trubačev: X 22-23Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];Serbo-Croatian:klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent. -
17 mèčь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
18 mь̀čь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
19 medojědъ
medojědъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 55Russian:medoéd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]Czech:Serbo-Croatian:mȅdojēd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]Slovene:medojẹ̀d `honey-eater, honey-lover' [m o], medojẹ́da [Gens]Page in Pokorny: 288, 707Comments: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvědь.Other cognates:Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'Notes:\{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd. -
20 mě̑xъ
mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221Old Church Slavic:měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]Russian:mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Czech:měch `bag, net' [m o];míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]Upper Sorbian:měch `bag, bellows' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]Slovene:mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣósLithuanian:maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}Latvian:màiss `bag' [m o]Old Prussian:moasis (EV) `bellows'Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-IE meaning: ramCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 747Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.Other cognates:Skt. meṣá- `ram';Notes:\{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.
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