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1 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
2 blьskъ
blьskъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Old Czech:Lower Sorbian:Bulgarian:blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]Lithuanian:blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ. -
3 esètrъ
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
4 esètra
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
5 jьgъlà
jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:Russian:iglá `needle' [f ā]Ukrainian:hólka `needle' [f ā];ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:Polabian:jḁglă `needle' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]Slovene:ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]Bulgarian:iglá `needle' [f ā]Old Prussian:Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.Notes:\{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'.
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