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1 ȍlovo
ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77Old Church Slavic:ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]Russian:ólovo `tin' [n o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:oɫów `lead' [m jo];oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];Serbo-Croatian:ȍlovo lead' [n o];Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]Slovene:olǫ́v `lead' [m o]Bulgarian:élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}Lithuanian:álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}Latvian:al̂va `tin' [f ā];al̂vas `tin' [m o]Old Prussian:alwis (EV) `lead'IE meaning: tin, leadCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: -Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.Notes:\{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic. -
2 dъnò
dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'Page in Trubačev: V 174-175Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dnȍ `bottom' [n o];Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]Slovene:dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]Bulgarian:dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubnoLithuanian:dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-Certainty: -Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).
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