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  • 121 Chevreul, Michel Eugène

    SUBJECT AREA: Chemical technology
    [br]
    b. 31 August 1786 Angers, France
    d. 9 April 1889 Paris, France
    [br]
    French chemist who made significant research contributions to scientific knowledge in the field of colour contrast and standardization and demonstrated the chemical nature of fats.
    [br]
    Between 1811 and 1823, Chevreul's work on the fundamental basis of fats led to a great improvement in both the quality of wax candles and in the fats used in the manufacture of soap, and this had considerable advantageous implications for domestic life. The publication of his researches provided the first specific account of the nature of the fats used in the manufacture of soap. His work also led to the development and manufacture of the stearine candle. Stearine was first described by Chevreul in 1814 and was produced by heating glycerine with stearic acid. As early as 1825 M.Gay Lussac obtained a patent in England for making candles from a similar substance. The stearine candle was much more satisfactory than earlier products; it was firmer and gave a brighter light without any accompanying odour. Chevreul became Director of Dyeing in 1824 at the Royal Manufactory of Gobelins, the French national tapestry firm. While there, he carried out research into 1,442 different shades of colour. From 1830 he occupied the Chair of Chemistry at the Muséum d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    G.Bouchard, 1932, Chevreul (biography).
    Albert da Costa, 1962, Michel Eugène Chevreul: Pioneer of Organic Chemistry', Wisconsin: Dept of History, University of Wisconsin.
    DY

    Biographical history of technology > Chevreul, Michel Eugène

  • 122 Leonardo da Vinci

    [br]
    b. 15 April 1452 Vinci, near Florence, Italy,
    d. 2 May 1519 St Cloux, near Amboise, France.
    [br]
    Italian scientist, engineer, inventor and artist.
    [br]
    Leonardo was the illegitimate son of a Florentine lawyer. His first sixteen years were spent with the lawyer's family in the rural surroundings of Vinci, which aroused in him a lifelong love of nature and an insatiable curiosity in it. He received little formal education but extended his knowledge through private reading. That gave him only a smattering of Latin, a deficiency that was to be a hindrance throughout his active life. At sixteen he was apprenticed in the studio of Andrea del Verrochio in Florence, where he received a training not only in art but in a wide variety of crafts and technical arts.
    In 1482 Leonardo went to Milan, where he sought and obtained employment with Ludovico Sforza, later Duke of Milan, partly to sculpt a massive equestrian statue of Ludovico but the work never progressed beyond the full-scale model stage. He did, however, complete the painting which became known as the Virgin of the Rocks and in 1497 his greatest artistic achievement, The Last Supper, commissioned jointly by Ludovico and the friars of Santa Maria della Grazie and painted on the wall of the monastery's refectory. Leonardo was responsible for the court pageants and also devised a system of irrigation to supply water to the plains of Lombardy. In 1499 the French army entered Milan and deposed Leonardo's employer. Leonardo departed and, after a brief visit to Mantua, returned to Florence, where for a time he was employed as architect and engineer to Cesare Borgia, Duke of Romagna. Around 1504 he completed another celebrated work, the Mona Lisa.
    In 1506 Leonardo began his second sojourn in Milan, this time in the service of King Louis XII of France, who appointed him "painter and engineer". In 1513 Leonardo left for Rome in the company of his pupil Francesco Melzi, but his time there was unproductive and he found himself out of touch with the younger artists active there, Michelangelo above all. In 1516 he accepted with relief an invitation from King François I of France to reside at the small château of St Cloux in the royal domain of Amboise. With the pension granted by François, Leonardo lived out his remaining years in tranquility at St Cloux.
    Leonardo's career can hardly be regarded as a success or worthy of such a towering genius. For centuries he was known only for the handful of artistic works that he managed to complete and have survived more or less intact. His main activity remained hidden until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, during which the contents of his notebooks were gradually revealed. It became evident that Leonardo was one of the greatest scientific investigators and inventors in the history of civilization. Throughout his working life he extended a searching curiosity over an extraordinarily wide range of subjects. The notes show careful investigation of questions of mechanical and civil engineering, such as power transmission by means of pulleys and also a form of chain belting. The notebooks record many devices, such as machines for grinding and polishing lenses, a lathe operated by treadle-crank, a rolling mill with conical rollers and a spinning machine with pinion and yard divider. Leonardo made an exhaustive study of the flight of birds, with a view to designing a flying machine, which obsessed him for many years.
    Leonardo recorded his observations and conclusions, together with many ingenious inventions, on thousands of pages of manuscript notes, sketches and drawings. There are occasional indications that he had in mind the publication of portions of the notes in a coherent form, but he never diverted his energy into putting them in order; instead, he went on making notes. As a result, Leonardo's impact on the development of science and technology was virtually nil. Even if his notebooks had been copied and circulated, there were daunting impediments to their understanding. Leonardo was left-handed and wrote in mirror-writing: that is, in reverse from right to left. He also used his own abbreviations and no punctuation.
    At his death Leonardo bequeathed his entire output of notes to his friend and companion Francesco Melzi, who kept them safe until his own death in 1570. Melzi left the collection in turn to his son Orazio, whose lack of interest in the arts and sciences resulted in a sad period of dispersal which endangered their survival, but in 1636 the bulk of them, in thirteen volumes, were assembled and donated to the Ambrosian Library in Milan. These include a large volume of notes and drawings compiled from the various portions of the notebooks and is now known as the Codex Atlanticus. There they stayed, forgotten and ignored, until 1796, when Napoleon's marauding army overran Italy and art and literary works, including the thirteen volumes of Leonardo's notebooks, were pillaged and taken to Paris. After the war in 1815, the French government agreed to return them but only the Codex Atlanticus found its way back to Milan; the rest remained in Paris. The appendix to one notebook, dealing with the flight of birds, was later regarded as of sufficient importance to stand on its own. Four small collections reached Britain at various times during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; of these, the volume in the Royal Collection at Windsor Castle is notable for its magnificent series of anatomical drawings. Other collections include the Codex Leicester and Codex Arundel in the British Museum in London, and the Madrid Codices in Spain.
    Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Leonardo's true stature as scientist, engineer and inventor began to emerge, particularly with the publication of transcriptions and translations of his notebooks. The volumes in Paris appeared in 1881–97 and the Codex Atlanticus was published in Milan between 1894 and 1904.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    "Premier peintre, architecte et mécanicien du Roi" to King François I of France, 1516.
    Further Reading
    E.MacCurdy, 1939, The Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci, 2 vols, London; 2nd edn, 1956, London (the most extensive selection of the notes, with an English translation).
    G.Vasari (trans. G.Bull), 1965, Lives of the Artists, London: Penguin, pp. 255–271.
    C.Gibbs-Smith, 1978, The Inventions of Leonardo da Vinci, Oxford: Phaidon. L.H.Heydenreich, Dibner and L. Reti, 1981, Leonardo the Inventor, London: Hutchinson.
    I.B.Hart, 1961, The World of Leonardo da Vinci, London: Macdonald.
    LRD / IMcN

    Biographical history of technology > Leonardo da Vinci

  • 123 Sorocold, George

    SUBJECT AREA: Public utilities
    [br]
    b. probably Ashton-in-Makerfield, England fl. c. 1685–1715
    [br]
    English civil engineer who set up numerous water-driven pumping plants.
    [br]
    He began to practise in Derbyshire and South Yorkshire and later moved to London, where his most important work was carried out. Little is known of his birth or, indeed, of the date of his death, although it is thought that he may have been born in Ashton-in- Makerfield.
    His first known work was a water-driven pumping plant in Derby erected in 1693 to supply water to houses and to points in the town through pipes from the pumps by the river Derwent. These water-driven pumping plants and the delivery of water to various towns were the result of entrepreneurial development by groups of "adventurers". Sorocold went on to set up many more pumping plants, including those at Leeds Bridge (1694–5), Macclesfield, Wirksworth, Yarmouth, Portsmouth, Norwich and King's Lynn.
    His best-known work was the installation of a pumping plant at the north end of London Bridge to replace a sixteenth-century plant. This consisted of four water-wheels placed between the starlings of the bridge. As the bridge is situated on the tidal Thames, the water-wheels were contrived so that their shafts could be raised or lowered to meet the state of the tidal flow. Whilst the waterworks designed by Sorocold are well known, it is clear that he had come to be regarded as a consulting engineer. One scheme that was carried through was the creation of a navigation between the river Trent and Derby on the line of the river Derwent. He appeared as a witness for the Derwent Navigation Act in 1703. He also held a patent for "A new machine for cutting and sawing all sorts of boards, timber and stone, and twisting all kinds of ropes, cords and cables by the strength of horses of water": this illustrates that his knowledge of power sources was predominant in his practice.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    R.Jenkins, 1936, "George Sorocold. A chapter in the history of public water supply", The Collected Papers of Rhys Jenkins, Newcomen Society.
    H.Beighton, 1731, article in The Philosophical Transactions (provides details of the London Bridge Waterworks).
    KM

    Biographical history of technology > Sorocold, George

  • 124 Sperry, Elmer Ambrose

    [br]
    b. 21 October 1860 Cincinnatus, Cortland County, New York, USA
    d. 16 June 1930 Brooklyn, New York, USA
    [br]
    American entrepreneur who invented the gyrocompass.
    [br]
    Sperry was born into a farming community in Cortland County. He received a rudimentary education at the local school, but an interest in mechanical devices was aroused by the agricultural machinery he saw around him. His attendance at the Normal School in Cortland provided a useful theoretical background to his practical knowledge. He emerged in 1880 with an urge to pursue invention in electrical engineering, then a new and growing branch of technology. Within two years he was able to patent and demonstrate his arc lighting system, complete with its own generator, incorporating new methods of regulating its output. The Sperry Electric Light, Motor and Car Brake Company was set up to make and market the system, but it was difficult to keep pace with electric-lighting developments such as the incandescent lamp and alternating current, and the company ceased in 1887 and was replaced by the Sperry Electric Company, which itself was taken over by the General Electric Company.
    In the 1890s Sperry made useful inventions in electric mining machinery and then in electric street-or tramcars, with his patent electric brake and control system. The patents for the brake were important enough to be bought by General Electric. From 1894 to 1900 he was manufacturing electric motor cars of his own design, and in 1900 he set up a laboratory in Washington, where he pursued various electrochemical processes.
    In 1896 he began to work on the practical application of the principle of the gyroscope, where Sperry achieved his most notable inventions, the first of which was the gyrostabilizer for ships. The relatively narrow-hulled steamship rolled badly in heavy seas and in 1904 Ernst Otto Schuck, a German naval engineer, and Louis Brennan in England began experiments to correct this; their work stimulated Sperry to develop his own device. In 1908 he patented the active gyrostabilizer, which acted to correct a ship's roll as soon as it started. Three years later the US Navy agreed to try it on a destroyer, the USS Worden. The successful trials of the following year led to widespread adoption. Meanwhile, in 1910, Sperry set up the Sperry Gyroscope Company to extend the application to commercial shipping.
    At the same time, Sperry was working to apply the gyroscope principle to the ship's compass. The magnetic compass had worked well in wooden ships, but iron hulls and electrical machinery confused it. The great powers' race to build up their navies instigated an urgent search for a solution. In Germany, Anschütz-Kämpfe (1872–1931) in 1903 tested a form of gyrocompass and was encouraged by the authorities to demonstrate the device on the German flagship, the Deutschland. Its success led Sperry to develop his own version: fortunately for him, the US Navy preferred a home-grown product to a German one and gave Sperry all the backing he needed. A successful trial on a destroyer led to widespread acceptance in the US Navy, and Sperry was soon receiving orders from the British Admiralty and the Russian Navy.
    In the rapidly developing field of aeronautics, automatic stabilization was becoming an urgent need. In 1912 Sperry began work on a gyrostabilizer for aircraft. Two years later he was able to stage a spectacular demonstration of such a device at an air show near Paris.
    Sperry continued research, development and promotion in military and aviation technology almost to the last. In 1926 he sold the Sperry Gyroscope Company to enable him to devote more time to invention.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    John Fritz Medal 1927. President, American Society of Mechanical Engineers 1928.
    Bibliography
    Sperry filed over 400 patents, of which two can be singled out: 1908. US patent no. 434,048 (ship gyroscope); 1909. US patent no. 519,533 (ship gyrocompass set).
    Further Reading
    T.P.Hughes, 1971, Elmer Sperry, Inventor and Engineer, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press (a full and well-documented biography, with lists of his patents and published writings).
    LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Sperry, Elmer Ambrose

  • 125 Vauban, Sébastien de

    SUBJECT AREA: Canals, Civil engineering
    [br]
    b. 15 May 1633 St-Léger-de-Fougeret, Château Chinon, Nièvre, France
    d. 20 March 1707 Paris, France
    [br]
    French civil and military engineer.
    [br]
    Born of impecunious parents, Vauban joined Condé's regiment as a cadet in 1651, at the age of 17, although he had apparently acquired some knowledge of mathematics and fortifications in the Carmelite College of Semur-en-Auxois. In the war of the Fronde he was captured by the Royal troops in 1653 and was converted to the king's service. He was soon recognized as having engineering ability and was given the task of repairing the fortifications of Sainte-Menehould. During the next few years he was engaged on fortification repairs and assisting at sieges, including Ypres, Gravelines and Oudenarde in 1658. Vauban found favour with the king, Louis XIV, and was responsible for the fortifications of Lille, which had been captured in 1667; he commenced the defensive structures of the citadel and the town in 1668. These were completed in 1674 and consisted of a vast pentagonal fort with bastions and further detached works surrounded by water defences. In 1692 he was present at the siege of Namur and was responsible for its capture. He was then put in charge of re-establishing and improving the defences. He next developed a line of fortresses along the French border. He later was abandoned by the king, whom he had served so well, and, with his advice being ignored by the French forces, they suffered defeat after defeat in Marlborough's wars.
    Meanwhile he had been called in to inspect the recently completed Canal du Midi and subsequently made recommendations for its improvement. These included the extension of the Montagne Noire feeder, and the construction of the Cesse and Orbiel aqueducts which were carried out to his design and under his supervision in 1686–7. In 1700 he was consulted on and produced a plan for a canal across France from north to south, providing a barge waterway from Nîmes to Dunkirk, but this was not carried out.
    In 1703 he was created maréchal de France, and two years later he devised vast schemes for the development of the canal system in Flanders. Owing to determined opposition from the local people, these schemes were abandoned and not revived until 1770, by which time the locals were prepared to accept them.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    Sir Reginald Blomfield, 1938, Sébastien lePrestre de Vauban, 1633–1707, Methuen. D.Halevy, 1924, Vauban. Builder of Fortresses, trans. C.J.C.Street, Geoffrey Bles.
    JHB

    Biographical history of technology > Vauban, Sébastien de

  • 126 tool

    [tu:l]
    analytical tool вчт. аналитическое средство authoring tools вчт. средства для автоматизации творческой работы back-end tools вчт. средства конечных этапов САПР a bad workman quarrels with his tools посл. = мастер глуп, нож туп; у плохого мастера всегда инструмент виноват computational tool вчт. вычислительный аппарат debug tool вчт. отладчик design tools вчт. средства проектирования development tools вчт. средства разработки front-end tools вчт. инструментальные средства начальных этапов graphical tools вчт. графические средства knowledge engineering tools вчт. инструментальные средства инженерии знаний tool станок; to sharpen one's tools готовиться, подготавливаться; to play with edged tools = играть с огнем policy tool политический инструмент policy tool средство осуществления policy tool средство проведения политики programming tool вчт. программное средство tool станок; to sharpen one's tools готовиться, подготавливаться; to play with edged tools = играть с огнем software tools вчт. вспомогательные программы tool разг. везти в экипаже; tool up оборудовать (инструментами, станками фабрику и т. п.) tool вытиснять узор (на переплете, коже и т. п.) tool действовать (орудием, инструментом) tool разг. ехать в экипаже tool инструмент tool вчт. инструмент tool механизм (напр. спроса и предложения) tool механизм tool обтесывать (камень); обрабатывать резцом (металл) tool орудие (в чьих-л. руках) tool орудие tool рабочий (ручной) инструмент; резец tool способ, средство tool способ tool средство tool вчт. средство tool станок; to sharpen one's tools готовиться, подготавливаться; to play with edged tools = играть с огнем tool expert system вчт. пустая экспертная система, инструментальная экспертная система tool разг. везти в экипаже; tool up оборудовать (инструментами, станками фабрику и т. п.) tools вчт. вспомогательные программы tools вчт. инструментарий tools: tools орудия труда

    English-Russian short dictionary > tool

  • 127 Cognitivism

       Cognitivism in psychology and philosophy is roughly the position that intelligent behavior can (only) be explained by appeal to internal "cognitive processes." (Haugeland, 1981a, p. 243)
       Cognitive science is an interdisciplinary effort drawing on psychology and linguistics, and philosophy. Emboldened by an apparent convergence of interests, some scientists in these fields have chosen not to reject mental functions out of hand as the behaviorists did. Instead, they have relied on the concept of mental representations and on a set of assumptions collectively called the functionalist positions. From this viewpoint, people behave according to knowledge made up of symbolic mental representations. Cognition consists of the manipulation of these symbols. Psychological phenomena are described in terms of functional processes.
       The efficacy of such processes resides in the possibility of interpreting items as symbols in an abstract and well-defined way, according to a set of unequivocal rules. Such a set of rules constitutes what is known as a syntax.
       The exercise of these syntactical rules is a form of computation.... Computation is assumed to be largely independent of the structure and the mode of development of the nervous system, just as a piece of computer software can run on different machines with different architectures and is thus "independent" of them....
       This point of view-called cognitivism by some-has had a great vogue and has prompted a burst of psychological work of great interest and value. Accompanying it have been a set of remarkable ideas.... I cannot overemphasize the degree to which these ideas or their variants pervade modern science.... But I must also add that the cognitivist enterprise rests on a set of unexamined assumptions. One of its most curious deficiencies is that it makes only marginal reference to the biological foundations that underlie the mechanisms it purports to explain. The result is a scientific deviation as great as that of the behaviorism it has attempted to supplant. (Edelman, 1992, pp. 13-14)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Cognitivism

  • 128 Computers

       The brain has been compared to a digital computer because the neuron, like a switch or valve, either does or does not complete a circuit. But at that point the similarity ends. The switch in the digital computer is constant in its effect, and its effect is large in proportion to the total output of the machine. The effect produced by the neuron varies with its recovery from [the] refractory phase and with its metabolic state. The number of neurons involved in any action runs into millions so that the influence of any one is negligible.... Any cell in the system can be dispensed with.... The brain is an analogical machine, not digital. Analysis of the integrative activities will probably have to be in statistical terms. (Lashley, quoted in Beach, Hebb, Morgan & Nissen, 1960, p. 539)
       It is essential to realize that a computer is not a mere "number cruncher," or supercalculating arithmetic machine, although this is how computers are commonly regarded by people having no familiarity with artificial intelligence. Computers do not crunch numbers; they manipulate symbols.... Digital computers originally developed with mathematical problems in mind, are in fact general purpose symbol manipulating machines....
       The terms "computer" and "computation" are themselves unfortunate, in view of their misleading arithmetical connotations. The definition of artificial intelligence previously cited-"the study of intelligence as computation"-does not imply that intelligence is really counting. Intelligence may be defined as the ability creatively to manipulate symbols, or process information, given the requirements of the task in hand. (Boden, 1981, pp. 15, 16-17)
       The task is to get computers to explain things to themselves, to ask questions about their experiences so as to cause those explanations to be forthcoming, and to be creative in coming up with explanations that have not been previously available. (Schank, 1986, p. 19)
       In What Computers Can't Do, written in 1969 (2nd edition, 1972), the main objection to AI was the impossibility of using rules to select only those facts about the real world that were relevant in a given situation. The "Introduction" to the paperback edition of the book, published by Harper & Row in 1979, pointed out further that no one had the slightest idea how to represent the common sense understanding possessed even by a four-year-old. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 102)
       A popular myth says that the invention of the computer diminishes our sense of ourselves, because it shows that rational thought is not special to human beings, but can be carried on by a mere machine. It is a short stop from there to the conclusion that intelligence is mechanical, which many people find to be an affront to all that is most precious and singular about their humanness.
       In fact, the computer, early in its career, was not an instrument of the philistines, but a humanizing influence. It helped to revive an idea that had fallen into disrepute: the idea that the mind is real, that it has an inner structure and a complex organization, and can be understood in scientific terms. For some three decades, until the 1940s, American psychology had lain in the grip of the ice age of behaviorism, which was antimental through and through. During these years, extreme behaviorists banished the study of thought from their agenda. Mind and consciousness, thinking, imagining, planning, solving problems, were dismissed as worthless for anything except speculation. Only the external aspects of behavior, the surface manifestations, were grist for the scientist's mill, because only they could be observed and measured....
       It is one of the surprising gifts of the computer in the history of ideas that it played a part in giving back to psychology what it had lost, which was nothing less than the mind itself. In particular, there was a revival of interest in how the mind represents the world internally to itself, by means of knowledge structures such as ideas, symbols, images, and inner narratives, all of which had been consigned to the realm of mysticism. (Campbell, 1989, p. 10)
       [Our artifacts] only have meaning because we give it to them; their intentionality, like that of smoke signals and writing, is essentially borrowed, hence derivative. To put it bluntly: computers themselves don't mean anything by their tokens (any more than books do)-they only mean what we say they do. Genuine understanding, on the other hand, is intentional "in its own right" and not derivatively from something else. (Haugeland, 1981a, pp. 32-33)
       he debate over the possibility of computer thought will never be won or lost; it will simply cease to be of interest, like the previous debate over man as a clockwork mechanism. (Bolter, 1984, p. 190)
       t takes us a long time to emotionally digest a new idea. The computer is too big a step, and too recently made, for us to quickly recover our balance and gauge its potential. It's an enormous accelerator, perhaps the greatest one since the plow, twelve thousand years ago. As an intelligence amplifier, it speeds up everything-including itself-and it continually improves because its heart is information or, more plainly, ideas. We can no more calculate its consequences than Babbage could have foreseen antibiotics, the Pill, or space stations.
       Further, the effects of those ideas are rapidly compounding, because a computer design is itself just a set of ideas. As we get better at manipulating ideas by building ever better computers, we get better at building even better computers-it's an ever-escalating upward spiral. The early nineteenth century, when the computer's story began, is already so far back that it may as well be the Stone Age. (Rawlins, 1997, p. 19)
       According to weak AI, the principle value of the computer in the study of the mind is that it gives us a very powerful tool. For example, it enables us to formulate and test hypotheses in a more rigorous and precise fashion than before. But according to strong AI the computer is not merely a tool in the study of the mind; rather the appropriately programmed computer really is a mind in the sense that computers given the right programs can be literally said to understand and have other cognitive states. And according to strong AI, because the programmed computer has cognitive states, the programs are not mere tools that enable us to test psychological explanations; rather, the programs are themselves the explanations. (Searle, 1981b, p. 353)
       What makes people smarter than machines? They certainly are not quicker or more precise. Yet people are far better at perceiving objects in natural scenes and noting their relations, at understanding language and retrieving contextually appropriate information from memory, at making plans and carrying out contextually appropriate actions, and at a wide range of other natural cognitive tasks. People are also far better at learning to do these things more accurately and fluently through processing experience.
       What is the basis for these differences? One answer, perhaps the classic one we might expect from artificial intelligence, is "software." If we only had the right computer program, the argument goes, we might be able to capture the fluidity and adaptability of human information processing. Certainly this answer is partially correct. There have been great breakthroughs in our understanding of cognition as a result of the development of expressive high-level computer languages and powerful algorithms. However, we do not think that software is the whole story.
       In our view, people are smarter than today's computers because the brain employs a basic computational architecture that is more suited to deal with a central aspect of the natural information processing tasks that people are so good at.... hese tasks generally require the simultaneous consideration of many pieces of information or constraints. Each constraint may be imperfectly specified and ambiguous, yet each can play a potentially decisive role in determining the outcome of processing. (McClelland, Rumelhart & Hinton, 1986, pp. 3-4)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Computers

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