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21 PIDE
(Political Police)Commonly known as the PIDE, the Estado Novo's political police was established in 1932. The acronym of PIDE stood for Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado or International and State Defense State Police, the name it was known by from 1945 to 1969. From 1932 to 1945, it was known by a different acronym: PVDE or Polícia da Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado. After Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar was replaced in office by Marcello Caetano, the political police was renamed DGS, Direcção-Geral da Seguridade or Directorate General of Security.This force was the most infamous means of repression and a major source of fear among the opposition during the long history of the Estado Novo. While it was described as "secret police," nearly everyone knew of its existence, although its methods — in theory—were "secret." The PVDE/PIDE/DGS had functions much broader than purely the repression of any opposition to the regime. It combined the roles of a border police, customs inspectorate, immigration force, political police, and a regime vetting administration of credentials for government or even private sector jobs. Furthermore, this police had powers of arrest, pursued nonpolitical criminals, and administered its own prison system. From the 1950s on, the PIDE extended its operations to the empire and began to directly suppress oppositionists in various colonies in Africa and Asia.While this police became more notorious and known to the public after 1958-61, before that new outburst of antiregime activity, it was perhaps more effective in neutralizing or destroying oppositionist groups. It was especially effective in damaging the Communist Party of Portugal (PCP) in the 1930s and early 1940s. Yet, beginning with the unprecedented strikes and political activities of 194345, the real heyday had passed. During World War II, its top echelons were in the pay of both the Allies and Axis powers, although in later propaganda from the left, the PIDE's pro-Axis reputation was carefully groomed into a myth.As for its actual strength and resources, it seems clear that it employed several thousand officers and also had thousands of informants in the general population. Under new laws of 1945, this police force received the further power to institute 90-day detention without charge or trial and such a detention could easily be renewed. A who's-who of the political opposition emerges from those who spent years in PIDE prisons or were frequently arrested without charge. The PIDE remained numerous and well-funded into 1974, when the Revolution of 25 April 1974 overthrew the regime and abolished it. A major question remains: If this police knew much about the Armed Forces Movement coup conspiracy, why was it so ineffective in arresting known leaders and squashing the plot? -
22 Armed forces
Although armed force has been a major factor in the development of the Portuguese nation-state, a standing army did not exist until after the War of Restoration (1641-48). During the 18th century, Portugal's small army was drawn into many European wars. In 1811, a combined Anglo-Portuguese army drove the French army of Napoleon out of the country. After Germany declared war on Portugal in March 1916, two Portuguese divisions were conscripted and sent to France, where they sustained heavy casualties at the Battle of Lys in April 1918. As Portugal and Spain were neutral in World War II, the Portuguese Army cooperated with the Spanish army to defend Iberian neutrality. In 1949, Portugal became a founding member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). When the nationalist quest for independence began in Portugal's colonies in Africa ( Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau) in the 1960s, the military effort (1961-74) to suppress the nationalists resulted in an expansion of the Portuguese armed forces to about 250,000.Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the number of personnel on active duty in the army, navy, and air force has been greatly reduced (43,200 in 2007) and given a more direct role in NATO. New NATO commitments led to the organization of the Brigada Mista Independente (Independent Composite Brigade), later converted into the Brigada Aero-Transportada. (Air-Transported Brigade) to be used in the defense of Europe's southern flank. The Portuguese air force and navy are responsible for the defense of the Azores-Madeira-Portugal strategic triangle.Chronic military intervention in Portuguese political life began in the 19th century. These interventions usually began with revolts of the military ( pronunciamentos) in order to get rid of what were considered by the armed forces corrupt or incompetent civilian governments. The army overthrew the monarchy on the 5 October 1910 and established Portugal's First Republic. It overthrew the First Republic on 28 May 1926 and established a military dictatorship. The army returned to the barracks during the Estado Novo of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. The armed forces once again returned to politics when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) overthrew the Estado Novo on 25 April 1974. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the armed forces again played a major role in Portuguese politics through the Council of the Revolution, which was composed of the president of the Republic, Chiefs of the general staff, three service chiefs, and 14 MFA officers. The Council of the Revolution advised the president on the selection of the prime minister and could veto legislation.The subordination of the Portuguese armed forces to civilian authority began in 1982, when revisions to the Constitution abolished the Council of the Revolution and redefined the mission of the armed forces to that of safeguarding and defending the national territory. By the early 1990s, the political influence of Portugal armed force had waned and civilian control was reinforced with the National Defense Laws of 1991, which made the chief of the general staff of the armed forces directly responsible to the minister of defense, not the president of the republic, as had been the case previously. As the end of the Cold War had eliminated the threat of a Soviet invasion of western Europe, Portuguese armed forces continues to be scaled back and reorganized. Currently, the focus is on modernization to achieve high operational efficiency in certain areas such as air defense, naval patrols, and rapid-response capability in case of terrorist attack. Compulsory military service was ended in 2004. The Portuguese armed forces have been employed as United Nations peacekeepers in East Timor, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon. -
23 Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves
(19061980)Marcello Caetano, as the last prime minister of the Estado Novo, was both the heir and successor of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. In a sense, Caetano was one of the founders and sustainers of this unusual regime and, at various crucial stages of its long life, Caetano's contribution was as important as Salazar's.Born in Lisbon in 1906 to a middle-class family, Caetano was a member of the student generation that rebelled against the unstable parliamentary First Republic and sought answers to Portugal's legion of troubles in conservative ideologies such as integralism, Catholic reformism, and the Italian Fascist model. One of the most brilliant students at the University of Lisbon's Law School, Caetano soon became directly involved in government service in various ministries, including Salazar's Ministry of Finance. When Caetano was not teaching full-time at the law school in Lisbon and influencing new generations of students who became critical of the regime he helped construct, Caetano was in important government posts and working on challenging assignments. In the 1930s, he participated in reforms in the Ministry of Finance, in the writing of the 1933 Constitution, in the formation of the new civil code, of which he was in part the author, and in the construction of corporativism, which sought to control labor-management relations and other aspects of social engineering. In a regime largely directed by academics from the law faculties of Coimbra University and the University of Lisbon, Caetano was the leading expert on constitutional law, administrative law, political science, and colonial law. A prolific writer as both a political scientist and historian, Caetano was the author of the standard political science, administrative law, and history of law textbooks, works that remained in print and in use among students long after his exile and death.After his apprenticeship service in a number of ministries, Caetano rose steadily in the system. At age 38, he was named minister for the colonies (1944 47), and unlike many predecessors, he "went to see for himself" and made important research visits to Portugal's African territories. In 1955-58, Caetano served in the number-three position in the regime in the Ministry of the Presidency of the Council (premier's office); he left office for full-time academic work in part because of his disagreements with Salazar and others on regime policy and failures to reform at the desired pace. In 1956 and 1957, Caetano briefly served as interim minister of communications and of foreign affairs.Caetano's opportunity to take Salazar's place and to challenge even more conservative forces in the system came in the 1960s. Portugal's most prominent law professor had a public falling out with the regime in March 1962, when he resigned as rector of Lisbon University following a clash between rebellious students and the PIDE, the political police. When students opposing the regime organized strikes on the University of Lisbon campus, Caetano resigned his rectorship after the police invaded the campus and beat and arrested some students, without asking permission to enter university premises from university authorities.When Salazar became incapacitated in September 1968, President Américo Tomás named Caetano prime minister. His tasks were formidable: in the midst of remarkable economic growth in Portugal, continued heavy immigration of Portuguese to France and other countries, and the costly colonial wars in three African colonies, namely Angola, Guinea- Bissau, and Mozambique, the regime struggled to engineer essential social and political reforms, win the wars in Africa, and move toward meaningful political reforms. Caetano supported moderately important reforms in his first two years in office (1968-70), as well as the drafting of constitutional revisions in 1971 that allowed a slight liberalization of the Dictatorship, gave the opposition more room for activity, and decentrali zed authority in the overseas provinces (colonies). Always aware of the complexity of Portugal's colonial problems and of the ongoing wars, Caetano made several visits to Africa as premier, and he sought to implement reforms in social and economic affairs while maintaining the expensive, divisive military effort, Portugal's largest armed forces mobilization in her history.Opposed by intransigent right-wing forces in various sectors in both Portugal and Africa, Caetano's modest "opening" of 1968-70 soon narrowed. Conservative forces in the military, police, civil service, and private sectors opposed key political reforms, including greater democratization, while pursuing the military solution to the African crisis and personal wealth. A significant perspective on Caetano's failed program of reforms, which could not prevent the advent of a creeping revolution in society, is a key development in the 1961-74 era of colonial wars: despite Lisbon's efforts, the greater part of Portuguese emigration and capital investment during this period were directed not to the African colonies but to Europe, North America, and Brazil.Prime Minister Caetano, discouraged by events and by opposition to his reforms from the so-called "Rheumatic Brigade" of superannuated regime loyalists, attempted to resign his office, but President Américo Tomás convinced him to remain. The publication and public reception of African hero General Antônio Spinola's best-selling book Portugal e Futuro (Portugal and the Future) in February 1974 convinced the surprised Caetano that a coup and revolution were imminent. When the virtually bloodless, smoothly operating military coup was successful in what became known as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Caetano surrendered to the Armed Forces Movement in Lisbon and was flown to Madeira Island and later to exile in Brazil, where he remained for the rest of his life. In his Brazilian exile, Caetano was active writing important memoirs and histories of the Estado Novo from his vantage point, teaching law at a private university in Rio de Janeiro, and carrying on a lively correspondence with persons in Portugal. He died at age 74, in 1980, in Brazil.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves
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24 Carmona, António Óscar de Fragoso
(1869-1951)Career army officer, one of the founders of the Estado Novo (1926-74), and the longest-serving president of the republic of that regime (1926-51). Born in Lisbon in 1869, the son of a career cavalry officer, Oscar Carmona entered the army in 1888 and became a lieutenant in 1894, in the same cavalry regiment in which his father had served. He rose rapidly, and became a general during the turbulent First Republic, briefly served as minister of war in 1923, and achieved public notoriety as prosecutor for the military in one of the famous trials of military personnel in an abortive 1925 coup. General Carmona was one of the key supporters of the 28 May 1926 military coup that overthrew the unstable republic and established the initially unstable military dictatorship (1926-33), which was the political system that founded the Estado Novo (1933-74).Carmona took power as president upon the ousting of the Twenty-eighth of May coup leader, General Gomes da Costa, and guided the military dictatorship through political and economic uncertainty until the regime settled upon empowering Antônio de Oliveira Salazar with extraordinary fiscal authority as minister of finance (April 1928). Elected in a managed election based on limited male suffrage in 1928, President Carmona served as the Dictatorship's president of the republic until his death in office in 1951 at age 81. In political creed a moderate republican not a monarchist, General (and later Marshal) Carmona played an essential role in the Dictatorship, which involved a division of labor between Dr. Salazar, who, as prime minister since July 1932 was responsible for the daily management of the government, and Carmona, who was responsible for managing civil-military relations in the system, maintaining smooth relations with Dr. Salazar, and keeping the armed forces officer corps in line and out of political intervention.Carmona's amiable personality and reputation for personal honesty, correctness, and hard work combined well with a friendly relationship with the civilian dictator Salazar. Especially in the period 1928-44, in his more vigorous years in the position, Carmona's role was vital in both the political and ceremonial aspects of his job. Car-mona's ability to balance the relationship with Salazar and the pressures and demands from a sometimes unhappy army officer corps that, following the civilianization of the regime in the early 1930s, could threaten military intervention in politics and government, was central to the operation of the regime.After 1944, however, Carmona was less effective in this role. His tiring ceremonial visits around Portugal, to the Atlantic Islands, and to the overseas empire became less frequent; younger generations of officers grew alienated from the regime; and Carmona suffered from the mental and physical ailments of old age. In the meantime, Salazar assumed the lion's share of political power and authority, all the while placing his own appointees in office. This, along with the regime's political police (PVDE or PIDE), Republican National Guard, and civil service, as well as a circle of political institutions that monopolized public office, privilege, and decision making, made Carmona's role as mediator-intermediary between the career military and the largely civilian-managed system significantly less important. Increasingly feeble and less aware of events around him, Carmona died in office in April 1951 and was replaced by Salazar's chosen appointee, General (and later Marshal) Francisco Craveiro Lopes, who was elected president of the republic in a regime-managed election.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Carmona, António Óscar de Fragoso
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25 Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de
(1934-)Army major who planned and managed the military operational aspects of the military coup that overthrew the Estado Novo. A career army officer who entered his profession in the 1950s, he held important positions in several of the colonial wars in Portugal's African territories during 1961-74. Saraiva de Carvalho was born in Mozambique in 1934, and made it his life's ambition to become a stage actor. In his career, he was influenced by service with Portugal's most senior army officer, General Antônio de Spínola, who served the Estado Novo both as commissioner and commanding general of armed forces in the colony of Guinea- Bissau. Contact with African nationalist elements, as well as familiarity with increasi ngly available Marxist-Leninist literature both in Africa and in Portugal, transformed Saraiva de Carvalho into a maverick and revolutionary who sought to overthrow the Portuguese dictatorship at home by means of military intervention in politics through the Revolution of 25 April 1974.Known as "Otelo" (Othello) in the media and to much of the Portuguese public, Saraiva de Carvalho played a significant role in the period of 25 April 1974-25 November 1975, when the country experienced a leftist revolution and a trend toward a dictatorship of the Left. Eventually the head of COPCON, the Armed Forces Movement's special unit for enforcing "law and order" and for ensuring that the government was not overthrown by military insur-rectionism, Saraiva de Carvalho became a political personality in his own right. This somberly handsome figure became the darling of the radical Left, including anarchist factions.With the swing of the political pendulum away from the radical Left after the abortive leftist coup of 25 November 1975, Carvalho's military career was ended and his role in politics shifted. He was dismissed from the COPCON command, arrested, and held in prison for a period. After his release, he entered the political wilderness, unhappy that the unorthodox Marxist-Leninist revolution he envisioned for Portugal, was not happening. Still carrying the torch for the notion of a "Socialist paradise" in which the state would play only a small role, the hero of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 reentered politics and ran for president of the republic on two occasions. In 1976, he received a respectable 16 percent of the vote, but in the 1981 elections his vote was negligible. Accused of involvement in several terrorist factions' conspiracies and violence, Carvalho was arrested and imprisoned. After a long and sensational trial, "Otelo" was released and acquitted. Of all the memoirs of the 1974 Revolution, Alvorada em Abril (Reveille in April), his contribution, was the most charming and revealing.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de
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26 Catholic church
The Catholic Church and the Catholic religion together represent the oldest and most enduring of all Portuguese institutions. Because its origins as an institution go back at least to the middle of the third century, if not earlier, the Christian and later the Catholic Church is much older than any other Portuguese institution or major cultural influence, including the monarchy (lasting 770 years) or Islam (540 years). Indeed, it is older than Portugal (869 years) itself. The Church, despite its changing doctrine and form, dates to the period when Roman Lusitania was Christianized.In its earlier period, the Church played an important role in the creation of an independent Portuguese monarchy, as well as in the colonization and settlement of various regions of the shifting Christian-Muslim frontier as it moved south. Until the rise of absolutist monarchy and central government, the Church dominated all public and private life and provided the only education available, along with the only hospitals and charity institutions. During the Middle Ages and the early stage of the overseas empire, the Church accumulated a great deal of wealth. One historian suggests that, by 1700, one-third of the land in Portugal was owned by the Church. Besides land, Catholic institutions possessed a large number of chapels, churches and cathedrals, capital, and other property.Extensive periods of Portuguese history witnessed either conflict or cooperation between the Church as the monarchy increasingly sought to gain direct control of the realm. The monarchy challenged the great power and wealth of the Church, especially after the acquisition of the first overseas empire (1415-1580). When King João III requested the pope to allow Portugal to establish the Inquisition (Holy Office) in the country and the request was finally granted in 1531, royal power, more than religion was the chief concern. The Inquisition acted as a judicial arm of the Catholic Church in order to root out heresies, primarily Judaism and Islam, and later Protestantism. But the Inquisition became an instrument used by the crown to strengthen its power and jurisdiction.The Church's power and prestige in governance came under direct attack for the first time under the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77) when, as the king's prime minister, he placed regalism above the Church's interests. In 1759, the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, although they were allowed to return after Pombal left office. Pombal also harnessed the Inquisition and put in place other anticlerical measures. With the rise of liberalism and the efforts to secularize Portugal after 1820, considerable Church-state conflict occurred. The new liberal state weakened the power and position of the Church in various ways: in 1834, all religious orders were suppressed and their property confiscated both in Portugal and in the empire and, in the 1830s and 1840s, agrarian reform programs confiscated and sold large portions of Church lands. By the 1850s, Church-state relations had improved, various religious orders were allowed to return, and the Church's influence was largely restored. By the late 19th century, Church and state were closely allied again. Church roles in all levels of education were pervasive, and there was a popular Catholic revival under way.With the rise of republicanism and the early years of the First Republic, especially from 1910 to 1917, Church-state relations reached a new low. A major tenet of republicanism was anticlericalism and the belief that the Church was as much to blame as the monarchy for the backwardness of Portuguese society. The provisional republican government's 1911 Law of Separation decreed the secularization of public life on a scale unknown in Portugal. Among the new measures that Catholics and the Church opposed were legalization of divorce, appropriation of all Church property by the state, abolition of religious oaths for various posts, suppression of the theology school at Coimbra University, abolition of saints' days as public holidays, abolition of nunneries and expulsion of the Jesuits, closing of seminaries, secularization of all public education, and banning of religious courses in schools.After considerable civil strife over the religious question under the republic, President Sidónio Pais restored normal relations with the Holy See and made concessions to the Portuguese Church. Encouraged by the apparitions at Fátima between May and October 1917, which caused a great sensation among the rural people, a strong Catholic reaction to anticlericalism ensued. Backed by various new Catholic organizations such as the "Catholic Youth" and the Academic Center of Christian Democracy (CADC), the Catholic revival influenced government and politics under the Estado Novo. Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar was not only a devout Catholic and member of the CADC, but his formative years included nine years in the Viseu Catholic Seminary preparing to be a priest. Under the Estado Novo, Church-state relations greatly improved, and Catholic interests were protected. On the other hand, Salazar's no-risk statism never went so far as to restore to the Church all that had been lost in the 1911 Law of Separation. Most Church property was never returned from state ownership and, while the Church played an important role in public education to 1974, it never recovered the influence in education it had enjoyed before 1911.Today, the majority of Portuguese proclaim themselves Catholic, and the enduring nature of the Church as an institution seems apparent everywhere in the country. But there is no longer a monolithic Catholic faith; there is growing diversity of religious choice in the population, which includes an increasing number of Protestant Portuguese as well as a small but growing number of Muslims from the former Portuguese empire. The Muslim community of greater Lisbon erected a Mosque which, ironically, is located near the Spanish Embassy. In the 1990s, Portugal's Catholic Church as an institution appeared to be experiencing a revival of influence. While Church attendance remained low, several Church institutions retained an importance in society that went beyond the walls of the thousands of churches: a popular, flourishing Catholic University; Radio Re-nascenca, the country's most listened to radio station; and a new private television channel owned by the Church. At an international conference in Lisbon in September 2000, the Cardinal Patriarch of Portugal, Dom José Policarpo, formally apologized to the Jewish community of Portugal for the actions of the Inquisition. At the deliberately selected location, the place where that religious institution once held its hearings and trials, Dom Policarpo read a declaration of Catholic guilt and repentance and symbolically embraced three rabbis, apologizing for acts of violence, pressures to convert, suspicions, and denunciation. -
27 Christian Democratic Party
Established originally as the Centro Democático e Social (CDS) in May 1974, following the fall of the Estado Novo, the CDS was supported by conservatives inspired by Christian humanism and Catholic social doctrines. In the first democratic elections after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which were held on 25 April 1975, the CDS won only a disappointing 7.6 percent of the vote for the Constituent Assembly. In the following general elections for the Assembly of the Republic, in April 1976, however, the party more than doubled its votes to 16 percent and surpassed the number of votes for the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). In 1979-80, the Christian Democrats joined the Social Democratic Party (PSD) in a coalition called the Aliança Democrática (Democratic Alliance), a grouping that defeated the Socialist Party (PS) in the succeeding elections. The Christian Democrats remained in the background as the principal party rivals for power were the PS and the PSD.In the 1990s, the CDS altered its name to the Partido Popular (PP) and featured new leaders such as party chief Paulo Portas. While the democratic Portuguese system had become virtually a two-party dominant system by the 1980s and 1990s, the PP would have opportunities, depending upon circumstances, to share power in another coalition with one of the two larger, major parties, the PS or PSD. Indeed, parliamentary election results in March 2002 gave the party just such an opportunity, as the PP won 14 percent of the vote, thus surpassing for the first time since the 1975 elections the PCP, which was reduced to 12 percent of the vote. The PP thus gained new influence as the PSD, which won the largest number of seats in this election, was obliged to share governance with the PP in order to have a working majority in the legislature.Various right-wing lobbies and interest groups influenced the PP. In early 2000, the PP proposed a law to the Assembly of the Republic whereby former colonists, now mainly resident in Portugal, who had lost property in Portugal's former colonies of Angola and Mozambique, would be compensated by Portugal for material losses during decolonization. The PP leadership argued that the manner in which the governments after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 administered the disputed, controversial decolonization process in these territories made the government responsible for compensating Portuguese citizens for such losses. The PS-dominated government of then prime minister, Antônio Guterres, argued, however, that independent governments of those former colonies were responsible for any compensation due. Thus, Guterres declined to accept the proposed legislation. This proposal by the PP and others like it followed upon other proposed laws such as Law 20, 19 June 1997, put before the Assembly of the Republic, which was passed under the aegis of the PS. This law pledged to compensate opposition militants (the survivors) who had opposed the Estado Novo and had spent years in exile, as well as in clandestine activities. Such compensations would come in the form of pensions and social security benefits. Given the strength of conservative constituencies and former settlers' lobbies, it is likely that the Christian Democrats will introduce more such proposed laws in future parliamentary sessions.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Christian Democratic Party
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28 Commemorations, Portuguese historic
As in so many other activities of Portugal and its people, in historic commemorative work, the past always seems present. For more than a century, Portugal has planned and sponsored a variety of historic commemorations related to the glorious Age of Discoveries era of historic Portugal. The Columban centenary commemorations, involving Spain and Italy in particular, have gained greater world attention, Portugal, nevertheless, has a history of her own commemorations.Whatever the political ideology of the governmental system involved, Portugal's historic commemorations have been continuous and well-planned, and have sought to stir national pride as well as regime loyalty. Portugal's official efforts in public commemoration date at least back to 1880, when the Portuguese celebrated the 300th anniversary of the death of the national epic poet, Luís de Camões. Others followed that sought to arouse national remembrance and encourage notions of national revival, by focusing either on biographical or national discovery dates. The next major commemoration was in 1894, when Portugal commemorated the 500th anniversary of the birth in 1394 of Prince Henry of Aviz (Prince Henry the Navigator) and, in 1897-99, the 400th anniversary of Vasco da Gama's discovery of the sea route to India.The 20th century has seen the most elaborate and publicized historic commemorations for Portugal. Besides its extensive propaganda program beginning in the 1930s, the Estado Novo put considerable effort into extensive historic commemorations, with the purpose of encouraging national pride and international respect, as well as regime loyalty. At least three national commemorations are worthy of note here, although scores of other events were held on a smaller scale. From June to December 1940, Portugal held the grand Double Centenary celebrations, which celebrated Portugal's emergence as an independent monarchy and state in 1140 (800 years) and the restoration of independence from Spain in 1640 (300 years). More than five months of activities included expensive publications of books and tourist materials, exhibits, academic conferences, and an outstanding Lisbon "world's fair" known as the "Exposition of the Portuguese World," staged at Belém, in front of the Monastery of Jerónimos, and involving the unveiling for the first time of the new Monument of the Discoveries.Two other commemorations of the Estado Novo deserve mention: the 1947 celebration of the 800th anniversary of the Portuguese taking of Lisbon (1147) from Moorish forces and the 1960 commemoration activities marking the 500th anniversary of the death of the central figure of the Portuguese Discoveries, Prince Henry the Navigator. The latter set of events took place during a time of political sensitivity, when the government's African policy was under strong international pressures.Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, democratic Portugal has put substantial resources into commemorating various persons and events of the Age of Discoveries. In 1980, Portugal's scholars celebrated the 400th anniversary of the death of the national poet Camões in many books, articles, exhibits, and conferences. But this would all be overshadowed by the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese Discoveries, which would run from 1988 to 2000. This elaborate effort involved the establishment of a government agency, the National Committee for the Commemoration of the Portuguese Discoveries, headed by one of Portugal's most eminent scholars on the subject, Dr. Vasco Graça Moura. Commemoration began in 1988 with the celebration and reenactment of the 1488 voyage of navigator Bartolomeu Dias from Lisbon to beyond the Cape of Good Hope, in South Africa. The 12-year cycle, the longest Discoveries commemorations of any century and of any Western country, put the 1992 Columban Quincentenary events somewhat in the shade.Between May and October 1998, Portugal held Expo '98 in Lisbon, a world's fair that was keyed to the celebration of the 500th anniversary of Vasco da Gama's discovery of an all-water route to India in 1498. This cycle ended in 2000, marking the 500th anniversary of the year that Portugal's Pedro Álvares Cabral discovered Brazil.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Commemorations, Portuguese historic
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29 Delgado, General Humberto
(1906-1965)Pioneer air force advocate and pilot, senior officer who opposed the Estado Novo, and oppositionist candidate in the 1958 presidential elections. One of the young army lieutenants who participated in the 28 May 1926 coup that established the military dictatorship, Delgado was a loyal regime supporter during its early phase (1926-44) and into its middle phase (1944-58). An important advocate of civil aeronautics, as well as being a daring pilot in the army air force and assisting the Allies in the Azores in World War II, Delgado spent an important part of his career after 1943 outside Portugal.On missions abroad for the government and armed forces, Delgado came to oppose the dictatorship in the l950s. In 1958, he stood as the oppositionist candidate in the presidential elections, against regime candidate Admiral Américo Tomás. In the cities, Delgado received considerable popular support for his campaign, during which he and the coalition of varied political movements, including the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and Movement of Democratic Unity, were harassed by the regime police, PIDE. When the managed election results were "tallied," Delgado had won more than 25 percent, including heavy votes in the African colonies; this proved an embarrassment to the regime, which promptly altered electoral law so that universal male suffrage was replaced by a safer electoral college (1959).When legal means of opposition were closed to him, Delgado conspired with dissatisfied military officers who promised support but soon abandoned him. The government had him stripped of his job, rank, and career and, in 1959, fearing arrest by the PIDE, Delgado sought political asylum in the embassy of Brazil. Later he fled to South America and organized opposition to the regime, including liaisons and plotting with Henrique Galvão. Delgado traveled to Europe and North Africa to rally Portuguese oppositionists in exile and, in 1961-62, dabbled in coup plots. He had a role in the abortive coup at Beja, in January 1962. Brave to the extent of taking risks against hopeless odds, Delgado dreamed of instigating a popular uprising on his own.In 1965, along with his Brazilian secretary, Delgado kept an appointment with destiny on Portugal's Spanish frontier. Neither he nor his companion were seen alive again, and later their bodies were discovered in a shallow grave; investigations since have proved that they were murdered by PIDE agents in a botched kidnapping plot.When the true story of what happened to the "Brave General" was revealed in the world press, the opposition's resolve was strengthened and the Estado Novo's image reached a new low. Posthumously, General Delgado has been honored in numerous ways since the Revolution of 25 April 1974.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Delgado, General Humberto
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30 Education
In Portugal's early history, education was firmly under the control of the Catholic Church. The earliest schools were located in cathedrals and monasteries and taught a small number of individuals destined for ecclesiastical office. In 1290, a university was established by King Dinis (1261-1325) in Lisbon, but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, where it remained. Coimbra University, Portugal's oldest, and once its most prestigious, was the educational cradle of Portugal's leadership. From 1555 until the 18th century, primary and secondary education was provided by the Society of Jesus (Jesuits). The Catholic Church's educational monopoly was broken when the Marquis of Pombal expelled the Jesuits in 1759 and created the basis for Portugal's present system of public, secular primary and secondary schools. Pombal introduced vocational training, created hundreds of teaching posts, added departments of mathematics and natural sciences at Coimbra University, and established an education tax to pay for them.During the 19th century, liberals attempted to reform Portugal's educational system, which was highly elitist and emphasized rote memorization and respect for authority, hierarchy, and discipline.Reforms initiated in 1822, 1835, and 1844 were never actualized, however, and education remained unchanged until the early 20th century. After the overthrow of the monarchy on the Fifth of October 1910 by Republican military officers, efforts to reform Portugal's educational system were renewed. New universities were founded in Lisbon and Oporto, a Ministry of Education was established, and efforts were made to increase literacy (illiteracy rates being 80 percent) and to resecularize educational content by introducing more scientific and empirical methods into the curriculum.Such efforts were ended during the military dictatorship (192632), which governed Portugal until the establishment of the Estado Novo (1926-74). Although a new technical university was founded in Lisbon in 1930, little was done during the Estado Novo to modernize education or to reduce illiteracy. Only in 1964 was compulsory primary education made available for children between the ages of 6 and 12.The Revolution of 25 April 1974 disrupted Portugal's educational system. For a period of time after the Revolution, students, faculty, and administrators became highly politicized as socialists, communists, and other groups attempted to gain control of the schools. During the 1980s, as Portuguese politics moderated, the educational system was gradually depoliticized, greater emphasis was placed on learning, and efforts were made to improve the quality of Portuguese schools.Primary education in Portugal consists of four years in the primary (first) cycle and two years in the preparatory, or second, cycle. The preparatory cycle is intended for children going on to secondary education. Secondary education is roughly equivalent to junior and senior high schools in the United States. It consists of three years of a common curriculum and two years of complementary courses (10th and 11th grades). A final year (12th grade) prepares students to take university entrance examinations.Vocational education was introduced in 1983. It consists of a three-year course in a particular skill after the 11th grade of secondary school.Higher education is provided by the four older universities (Lisbon, Coimbra, Oporto, and the Technical University of Lisbon), as well as by six newer universities, one in Lisbon and the others in Minho, Aveiro, Évora, the Algarve, and the Azores. There is also a private Catholic university in Lisbon. Admission to Portuguese universities is highly competitive, and places are limited. About 10 percent of secondary students go on to university education. The average length of study at the university is five years, after which students receive their licentiate. The professoriate has four ranks (professors, associate professors, lecturers, and assistants). Professors have tenure, while the other ranks teach on contract.As Portugal is a unitary state, the educational system is highly centralized. All public primary and secondary schools, universities, and educational institutes are under the purview of the Ministry of Education, and all teachers and professors are included in the civil service and receive pay and pension like other civil servants. The Ministry of Education hires teachers, determines curriculum, sets policy, and pays for the building and upkeep of schools. Local communities have little say in educational matters. -
31 Ferro, Antônio
(1895-1956)Writer, journalist, cultural leader, and diplomat in the early and middle phases of the Estado Novo. Born into a family with strong republican sympathies and enrolled as a student in Lisbon University's Law Faculty, Ferro soon abandoned his faith in the chaotic republic, quit studying law, and became a poet, writer, and journalist. His reputation as a modernist and nationalist who was also a cosmopolitan, celebrated, prolific, and well-traveled journalist was acquired during the years 1917-33, when his publications attracted much public attention. Ferro published best-selling accounts include exclusive personal interviews of right-wing dictators in Italy, Spain, and other countries; portraits of the United States, including Hollywood in the 1920s; and a depiction of the turbulent Spanish Republic prior to the Spanish Civil War.The best-selling book that brought Ferro a key government job with the Estado Novo was composed of a series of 1932 interviews with Portugal's dictator, Salazar-O Homem e a Sua Obra (1933). This sensational book advanced an appealing image of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, recently appointed premier by the military. The next year, Salazar invited Ferro to head the government's new information arm, Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional, which was renamed Secretariado Nacional da Informação (SNI) in 1944. From 1933 to 1949, Ferro directed this agency. Later alienated by the political situation, he was posted as a diplomat to Berne and Rome. Ferro married the Lisbon-based writer Maria Fernanda de Castro (1900-94). She collaborated with him on many writing and film projects. Ferro's so-called "policy of the Spirit" was a cultural policy that blended modernism, nationalism, and conservative values in the plastic and performing arts, film, and literature. After his diplomatic service abroad, he died in Lisbon. -
32 Franco, Generalíssimo Francisco
(1892-1975)Spain's soldier-dictator whose Nationalists won the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and who ruled Spain from 1939 until his death in 1975. General Franco's personal and diplomatic relations with Portugal's prime minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar since the late 1930s were a significant element in the Estado Novo's foreign policy in World War II and the Cold War. Salazar played a key role in helping convince Franco and his ruling group during the menacing years of 1939-41 not to join the Axis powers in World War II. For his part, Franco supported Salazar's concept of an Iberian bloc of states in various diplomatic and political initiatives, beginning with the Luso-Spanish agreements signed in 1939 and 1940. During the Cold War, Franco's Spain pursued a policy that gave support to Salazar's Estado Novo.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Franco, Generalíssimo Francisco
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33 Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães
(1918-)Historian, academic, political figure. Internationally, Portugal's most celebrated historian of the 20th century. Born into a family with strong republican and antidictatorial tendencies, Godinho chose an academic career following his graduation (1940) in history and philosophy from the Faculty of Letters, University of Lisbon. He taught history at the same institution until 1944, when his academic career was cut short by the Estado Novo's orders. He resumed his academic career in France, where he taught history and received his doctorate in history at the Sorbonne (1959). He returned briefly to Portugal but, during the academic/political crisis of 1962, he was fired from his faculty position at the Instituto Superior de Estudos Ultramarinos in Lisbon.In the 1960s and early 1970s, Godinho's scholarly publications on the social and economic history of the Portuguese overseas empire (1400-1700) first made a lasting impact both in Portuguese historiography and world historiography regarding the Age of Discoveries. His notion of a world system or economy, with ample quantitative data on prices, money, and trade in the style and spirit of the French Annales School of History, had an important influence on social scientists outside Portugal, including on American scholar Immanuel Wallerstein and his world system studies. Godinho's work emphasized social and economic history before 1750, and his most notable works included Prix et monnaies au Portugal (1955), A Economia dos Descobrimentos Henriquinos (1962), and, in three volumes, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial (1963-71).As a staunch opponent of the Estado Novo who had been dismissed yet again from 1962 to 1971, Godinho concentrated on his research and publications, as well as continuing activity in oppositionist parties, rallies, and elections. Disillusioned by the false "Spring" of freedom under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano (1968-74), he returned to France to teach. Following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Godinho returned to newly democratic Portugal. During several provisional governments (1974-75), he was appointed minister of education and initiated reforms. The confusing political maelstrom of revolutionary Portugal, however, discouraged his continuation in public office. He returned to university teaching and scholarship, and then helped establish a new institution of higher learning, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), where he retired, loaded with honors and acclaim, at age 70 in 1988.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães
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34 Guarda Nacional Republicana
(GNR)The Republican National Guard is Portugal's national highway and traffic police, and forms its rural and urban constabulary. A paramilitary force, it was established in 1911, under the First Republic, to protect the novice regime in the capital and other main cities. While it was recruited from the career army officer corps and noncommissioned ranks, the GNR was based on a historic precedent (the monarchy had a life guard with similar functions) and a political necessity (the need to be a deterrent and bulwark against threatening army insurrections) during a time of political instability. With increasingly heavy weaponry, a much enlarged GNR became a source of controversy as the First Republic ended and the military dictatorship was established (1926-33) and grew into the Estado Novo. The Estado Novo eventually reduced its strength, but maintained it as a reserve force that might confront a potentially unreliable army in the capital and main cities and towns. Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the GNR has been used as a kind of state police. Its personnel can be seen in their distinctive uniforms, dealing with highway safety, traffic, the drug problem, and serious crimes. While the main headquarters is at Carmo barracks (Carmo Square), Lisbon, where Prime Minister Marcello Caetano surrendered to the Armed Forces Movement on 25 April 25 1974, GNR detachments are found all over the country.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Guarda Nacional Republicana
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35 Inquisition, Portuguese
Known also as the Holy Office of the Inquisition, Portugal's Inquisition was established in 1536 under King João III and was finally abolished only in 1821. The initial motives for establishing this institution were more political than religious; King João III saw it as an instrument to increase central power and royal control in Portugal. Permission for its foundation was granted by the papacy in Rome, but the Inquisition's judges and officers were appointed by the Portuguese king, not by the papacy. Seven years after its establishment, the Inquisition's first victims were burned at the stake in Évora. Eventually, the Holy Office of the Inquisition became a kind of state within a state, with its own bureaucracy, censors who acted as a "thought police" over the faithful as well as over heretics or dissidents, and police who maintained their own prisons. The period of this infamous institution's greatest power to persecute, prosecute, and execute heretics was during the 16th and 17th centuries. During the administration of the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77), the Inquisition's power was curtailed. By 1821, when it was abolished by reformist governments, the Inquisition no longer had much significance.For centuries, however, the Inquisition generated fear and was able to amass wealth, goods, and property confiscated from victims. In the history of Portuguese politics and culture, the Inquisition has symbolized cruel oppression, the spirit of discrimination, and religious persecution of heretics and minorities, including Jews who were often forcibly converted. It created an era of censorship of intellectual activity, injustice, bigotry, racism, and anti-Semitism, and raised questions about the role and power of the Catholic Church in society and the relationship between the Church and state. Some opponents of the Estado Novo quite justifiably compared the Inquisition's control of free thought and action with that of the Estado Novo in its day. -
36 Judicial and Legal System
The 1976 Constitution and 1982 revisions provide for three fundamental courts, each with different functions, as well as other special courts, including a military court. The three principal courts are the Constitutional Court, Supreme Court of Justice, and Supreme Court of Administration. The Constitutional Court determines whether legislative acts (laws) are legal and constitutional. In addition, it ascertains the physical ability of the president of the Republic to perform duties of office, as well as to determine the constitutionality of international agreements. Ten of this court's members are selected by the Assembly of the Republic.The Supreme Court of Justice, the highest court of law, heads the court system and tries civil and criminal cases. It includes first courts to try cases and courts of appeal. The Supreme Court of Administration examines the administrative and fiscal conduct of government institutions. All matters concerning judges, including the power to discipline judges whose conduct does not comply with the law, are overseen by the Higher Council of the Bench and the Superior Council of the Administrative and Fiscal Courts. There is also an Ombudsman, elected for a four-year term by the Assembly of the Republic, who serves as chief civil and human rights officer of the country. This officer receives 3,000-4,000 complaints a year from citizens who dispute acts of the judicial and legal system.Portugal's system of laws is based on Roman civil law and has been shaped by the French legal system. Unlike common law in the American and British legal systems, Portugal's system of laws is based on a complete body of law so that judicial reason is deductive. Legal precedent, then, has little influence. Portuguese judges are viewed as civil servants simply applying the law from codes, not as a judiciary who interpret law. While the post-1974 judicial and legal system is freer and fairer than that under the Estado Novo dictatorship, it has received criticism on the grounds of being very slow, cumbersome, overburdened with cases, and sometimes corrupt. There has been a backlog of untried cases and long delays before trial because of vacant judgeships and inefficient operations.Under Portuguese criminal law, preventive detention for a maximum of four months is legal. Much longer preventive detention terms occur due to the trial backlog. Memories persist of legal abuses under the Estado Novo system, when suspects convicted of crimes against the state could be detained legally for periods of from six months to three years. Media sensationalism and the cited problems of the judicial system exacerbated tensions in recent high-profile trials, including the 2004-05 trial of a child prostitution and pedophile ring, tried in Lisbon, with suspects including a celebrated television personality and a former diplomat.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Judicial and Legal System
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37 Norton de Matos, José
(1867-1955)One of Portugal's most important and influential colonial administrators of the 20th-century African empire, a central figure in the management of Portugal's dispatch of an army to Flanders in World War I, and oppositionist candidate in the 1949 presidential elections. Trained as an army engineer, he attended Coimbra University and became a stalwart republican. During much of the 1890s, he served in Portuguese India, where he came under the influence of the style and policies of the British Raj. During the First Republic, he held a number of important posts in the empire and in Portugal: governor-general of Angola (1912-15), colonial minister (1915), and minister of war (1915-17), during which service he was instrumental in organizing the mobilization and dispatch of Portugal's Expeditionary Force (CEP) to the western front in 1917. Later, he served as high commissioner and governor-general of Angola (1921-24) and was named Portugal's minister to Great Britain (1924-26).Dismissed from his London post by the military dictatorship in 1926, Norton de Matos never held an official post again and, as he opposed both the military dictatorship and the Estado Novo, he found it difficult to practice his engineering profession while in retirement from the army. However, he remained important in post-1926 colonial policies and concepts, and attempted to put them into practice after 1945. In 1949, General Norton de Matos was the oppositionist candidate in the presidential elections and opposed the regime incumbent, Marshal Antônio Óscar Carmona. Using the law, police harassment, and other means, the Estado Novo persecuted Norton de Matos's followers and disrupted his campaign. Just before the rigged election was to be held, the aged general withdrew his candidacy, rightfully claiming fraud and intimidation. A tough if liberal reformist in colonial affairs, the senior colonial authority wrote his final book A Nação Una in 1953, calling for the regime to implement his basic reform ideas and to improve treatment of Africans in labor and race relations. Norton de Matos's prescient warnings about African policies were largely ignored, while Lisbon followed his key strategic and development concepts. -
38 Political parties
Portugal's political party system began only in the 19th century, and the first published, distinct political party program appeared about 1843. Under the constitutional monarchy (1834-1910), a number of political groupings or factions took the name of a political figure or soldier or, more commonly until the second half of the century, the name of the particular constitution they supported. For example, some were called "Septembrists," after the group that supported the 1836 (September) Revolution and the 1822 Constitution. Others described themselves as "Chartists" after King Pedro IV's 1826 Charter ( Carta). From the Regeneration to the fall of the monarchy in 1910, the leading political parties were the Regenerators and the Progressists (or Historicals). During the first parliamentary republic (1910-26), the leading political parties were the Portuguese Republican Party or "The Democrats," the Evolutionists, the Unionists, various monarchist factions, the Liberals, and the Nationalists. Small leftist parties were also established or reestablished after the collapse of President Sidónio Pais's New Republic (1917-18), the Socialist Party (PS) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP).Under the Estado Novo dictatorship (1926-74), all political parties and civic associations (such as the Masons) were banned in 1935, and the only legitimate political movement allowed was the regime's creature, the União Nacional (1930-74). Various oppositionist parties and factions began to participate in the rigged elections of the Estado Novo, beginning with the municipal elections of 1942 and continuing with general elections for president of the republic or the National Assembly (legislature) in 1945, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1961, 1969, 1972, etc. Among these parties were elements of the Communist Party, remnants of the old Portuguese Republican Party elite and of the old Socialist Party (originally founded in 1875), various workers' groups, and special electoral committees allowed by the regime to campaign during brief preelectoral exercises.The Revolution of 25 April 1974 swept away the regime's institutions and ushered in a flood of new political groups. During 1974 and 1975, about 60 new political parties and factions sprung up, but the PCP remained the senior, experienced political party. During the period of fallout and adjustment to the new pluralist, multiparty system of democracy (1974-85), four main political parties became the principal ones and garnered the largest percentage of votes in the many general and municipal elections held between the first free election of 25 April 1975, and the general election of 1985. These parties were the PCP, the PS, the Social Democrat Party (PSD), and the Social Democratic Center Party (CDS) or "Christian Democrats." Until 1985-87, the socialists were ahead in votes, but the social democrats were victorious, with clear majorities in 1987 and 1991. In the general elections of 1995 and 1999, the PS returned to power in the legislature, and in the presidential elections of 1996 and 2001, the victor was the socialist leader Jorge Sampaio. The PSD replaced the socialists in power in the 2002 general election.See also Left Bloc. -
39 Revolution of Carnations
Refers to the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Carnations of many colors, but principally red because of the symbolism of red for leftist (including socialist and communist) views and action, were common in Lisbon flower shops during the rainy day of 25 April 1974, when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) overthrew the Estado Novo. The carnation appeared to embody the peaceful, bloodless, almost romantic nature of the military coup, which met little or no resistance from the Estado Novo's last defenders. The only blood shed on 25 April was spilled when the Lisbon headquarters of the political police (DGS) fired into a surging crowd of procoup enthusiasts who rushed the front of the building; five persons died and several people were injured.When people began to give the MFA troops carnations to stick in their rifles, guns, and uniforms and on their helmets and caps, the idea of using the carnations as a symbol of the peaceful intentions of the MFA spread. Soon various parties and even the government adopted the symbol of red carnations, and this icon of change began to appear in graffiti on walls.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Revolution of Carnations
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40 São Bento, Palace of
São Bento Palace in Estrela district of Lisbon in an earlier life was a convent (constructed 1598-1615). After 1834, Portugal's national legislature or Cortes was transferred to the old convent, which thereafter was adapted and renovated. In common usage, "São Bento" refers to the seat of national government, much the way "Whitehall" in London describes the location of the British government. In Portugal, however, São Bento houses not one but two branches of the national government: both the legislative branch and part of the executive. Since the foundation of the First Republic, then, São Bento has been the home of the legislature and of the residence and office of the prime minister (or president of the Council of Ministers).By the first decade of the 20th century, the legislative hall or chamber of São Bento was essentially the building of today. In a grand and imposing neoclassical style, the palace has housed all the legislative bodies whatever their names: in the constitutional monarchy, the House of Deputies and Peers; in the First Republic, the Senate and House of Deputies; in the Estado Novo dictatorship, the National Assembly and Corporate Chamber; in democratic (post-1974) Portugal, the Assembly of the Republic. While the building is largely pre-1910, the art and decorations are more recent. The halls, foyers, stairways, and chambers are decorated with murals, frescoes, and statuary, including the impressive oils of the 1920s in the murals by Columbano Bordalo Pinheiro, which depict the pageant of Portugal's main legislators since 1821. Other art dates to the 1930s under the Estado Novo. Tellingly, the delegates' hall outside the main legislative chamber is known as the hall of "Wasted Time."Behind the legislative halls, in another part of São Bento, is situated residence and offices of the prime minister, the official home of all heads of government beginning in the First Republic. Until the late 1980s, too, São Bento housed the country's main national archives, the National Archive of Torre do Tombo.
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