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21 Armed forces
Although armed force has been a major factor in the development of the Portuguese nation-state, a standing army did not exist until after the War of Restoration (1641-48). During the 18th century, Portugal's small army was drawn into many European wars. In 1811, a combined Anglo-Portuguese army drove the French army of Napoleon out of the country. After Germany declared war on Portugal in March 1916, two Portuguese divisions were conscripted and sent to France, where they sustained heavy casualties at the Battle of Lys in April 1918. As Portugal and Spain were neutral in World War II, the Portuguese Army cooperated with the Spanish army to defend Iberian neutrality. In 1949, Portugal became a founding member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). When the nationalist quest for independence began in Portugal's colonies in Africa ( Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau) in the 1960s, the military effort (1961-74) to suppress the nationalists resulted in an expansion of the Portuguese armed forces to about 250,000.Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the number of personnel on active duty in the army, navy, and air force has been greatly reduced (43,200 in 2007) and given a more direct role in NATO. New NATO commitments led to the organization of the Brigada Mista Independente (Independent Composite Brigade), later converted into the Brigada Aero-Transportada. (Air-Transported Brigade) to be used in the defense of Europe's southern flank. The Portuguese air force and navy are responsible for the defense of the Azores-Madeira-Portugal strategic triangle.Chronic military intervention in Portuguese political life began in the 19th century. These interventions usually began with revolts of the military ( pronunciamentos) in order to get rid of what were considered by the armed forces corrupt or incompetent civilian governments. The army overthrew the monarchy on the 5 October 1910 and established Portugal's First Republic. It overthrew the First Republic on 28 May 1926 and established a military dictatorship. The army returned to the barracks during the Estado Novo of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. The armed forces once again returned to politics when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) overthrew the Estado Novo on 25 April 1974. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the armed forces again played a major role in Portuguese politics through the Council of the Revolution, which was composed of the president of the Republic, Chiefs of the general staff, three service chiefs, and 14 MFA officers. The Council of the Revolution advised the president on the selection of the prime minister and could veto legislation.The subordination of the Portuguese armed forces to civilian authority began in 1982, when revisions to the Constitution abolished the Council of the Revolution and redefined the mission of the armed forces to that of safeguarding and defending the national territory. By the early 1990s, the political influence of Portugal armed force had waned and civilian control was reinforced with the National Defense Laws of 1991, which made the chief of the general staff of the armed forces directly responsible to the minister of defense, not the president of the republic, as had been the case previously. As the end of the Cold War had eliminated the threat of a Soviet invasion of western Europe, Portuguese armed forces continues to be scaled back and reorganized. Currently, the focus is on modernization to achieve high operational efficiency in certain areas such as air defense, naval patrols, and rapid-response capability in case of terrorist attack. Compulsory military service was ended in 2004. The Portuguese armed forces have been employed as United Nations peacekeepers in East Timor, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon. -
22 Coimbra, University of
Portugal's oldest and once its most prestigious university. As one of Europe's oldest seats of learning, the University of Coimbra and its various roles have a historic importance that supersedes merely the educational. For centuries, the university formed and trained the principal elites and professions that dominated Portugal. For more than a century, certain members of its faculty entered the central government in Lisbon. A few, such as law professor Afonso Costa, mathematics instructor Sidônio Pais, anthropology professor Bernardino Machado, and economics professor Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, became prime ministers and presidents of the republic. In such a small country, with relatively few universities until recently, Portugal counted Coimbra's university as the educational cradle of its leaders and knew its academic traditions as an intimate part of national life.Established in 1290 by King Dinis, the university first opened in Lisbon but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, and there it remained. University buildings were placed high on a hill, in a position thatphysically dominates Portugal's third city. While sections of the medieval university buildings are present, much of what today remains of the old University of Coimbra dates from the Manueline era (1495-1521) and the 17th and 18th centuries. The main administration building along the so-called Via Latina is baroque, in the style of the 17th and 18th centuries. Most prominent among buildings adjacent to the central core structures are the Chapel of São Miguel, built in the 17th century, and the magnificent University Library, of the era of wealthy King João V, built between 1717 and 1723. Created entirely by Portuguese artists and architects, the library is unique among historic monuments in Portugal. Its rare book collection, a monument in itself, is complemented by exquisite gilt wood decorations and beautiful doors, windows, and furniture. Among visitors and tourists, the chapel and library are the prime attractions to this day.The University underwent important reforms under the Pombaline administration (1750-77). Efforts to strengthen Coimbra's position in advanced learning and teaching by means of a new curriculum, including new courses in new fields and new degrees and colleges (in Portugal, major university divisions are usually called "faculties") often met strong resistance. In the Age of the Discoveries, efforts were made to introduce the useful study of mathematics, which was part of astronomy in that day, and to move beyond traditional medieval study only of theology, canon law, civil law, and medicine. Regarding even the advanced work of the Portuguese astronomer and mathematician Pedro Nunes, however, Coimbra University was lamentably slow in introducing mathematics or a school of arts and general studies. After some earlier efforts, the 1772 Pombaline Statutes, the core of the Pombaline reforms at Coimbra, had an impact that lasted more than a century. These reforms remained in effect to the end of the monarchy, when, in 1911, the First Republic instituted changes that stressed the secularization of learning. This included the abolition of the Faculty of Theology.Elaborate, ancient traditions and customs inform the faculty and student body of Coimbra University. Tradition flourishes, although some customs are more popular than others. Instead of residing in common residences or dormitories as in other countries, in Coimbra until recently students lived in the city in "Republics," private houses with domestic help hired by the students. Students wore typical black academic gowns. Efforts during the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and aftermath to abolish the wearing of the gowns, a powerful student image symbol, met resistance and generated controversy. In romantic Coimbra tradition, students with guitars sang characteristic songs, including Coimbra fado, a more cheerful song than Lisbon fado, and serenaded other students at special locations. Tradition also decreed that at graduation graduates wore their gowns but burned their school (or college or subject) ribbons ( fitas), an important ceremonial rite of passage.The University of Coimbra, while it underwent a revival in the 1980s and 1990s, no longer has a virtual monopoly over higher education in Portugal. By 1970, for example, the country had only four public and one private university, and the University of Lisbon had become more significant than ancient Coimbra. At present, diversity in higher education is even more pronounced: 12 private universities and 14 autonomous public universities are listed, not only in Lisbon and Oporto, but at provincial locations. Still, Coimbra retains an influence as the senior university, some of whose graduates still enter national government and distinguished themselves in various professions.An important student concern at all institutions of higher learning, and one that marked the last half of the 1990s and continued into the next century, was the question of increased student fees and tuition payments (in Portuguese, propinas). Due to the expansion of the national universities in function as well as in the size of student bodies, national budget constraints, and the rising cost of education, the central government began to increase student fees. The student movement protested this change by means of various tactics, including student strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. At the same time, a growing number of private universities began to attract larger numbers of students who could afford the higher fees in private institutions, but who had been denied places in the increasingly competitive and pressured public universities. -
23 Corporativism
Corporativism or corporatism, a social and economic doctrine or ideology, has been influential on several occasions in the 20th century. Based on Catholic social doctrines, corporativism began to enjoy a certain vogue among conservative parties in the First Republic. The Estado Novo adopted the doctrine as one of its main ideologies and strategies after 1930, although it took decades for the corporative system to be instituted in any comprehensive way. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar and his ruling group advocated the corporative system in the 1933 Constitution and the National LaborStatute of September 1933, but it was not until after a 1956 law that the system was put into operation.The Estado Novo's intention was to have greater control over the economy than the weak First Republic had managed by means of eliminating social conflict as well as the inevitable struggle between labor and management. New state doctrine declared that the regime under a corporative system would be "neither bourgeois nor proletarian." The idea was that corporativism in Portugal would be largely self-regulating and would promote social peace and prosperity. In fact, the corporative system became simply another part of the large state bureaucracy in the 1950s, l960s, and 1970s. Under this system, management was organized in guilds ( grêmios) and labor in official unions ( sindicatos). The state also organized special employer-employee institutes for rural workers ( Casas do Povo or "Houses of the People") and for fishermen ( Casas dos Pescadores or "Houses of Fishermen").An elaborate bureaucratic structure administered this cumbersome system. A Chamber of Corporations, representing all professions and occupations, was the upper chamber of the national legislature in Lisbon. One major aim or strategy of the system was to prevent labor strikes or lockouts, but after 1942's widespread strikes and later labor unrest it was clear that opposition labor groups, some organized by the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), had engineered their own labor union system parallel to the corporative system. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the first provisional government abolished the Estado Novo's corporative system. -
24 Freitas do Amaral, Diogo
(1941-)Legal scholar and teacher, jurist, civil servant, and politician. Born in Povoa de Varzim, Freitas do Amaral's father became a member of parliament in the Estado Novo's National Assembly. A superb student, the young Freitas do Amaral studied law at the Law Faculty, University of Lisbon, and became the top law student and protégé of Professor Marcello Caetano, who in 1968 was selected to replace an ailing Antônio de Oliveira Salazar as prime minister. Freitas do Amaral received his doctorate in law in the late 1960s and remained close to his former law professor, who was now prime minister. In his scholarship on the history of Portuguese law, as well as in his political and social ideology as a conservative, Freitas do Amaral in many respects remained a student, protégé, and follower of Caetano through the period of Caetano's premiership (1968-74) and into the era of the Revolution of 25 April 1974. More than 20 years later, Freitas do Amaral published his memoirs, which focused on the 1968-74 political era, O Antigo Regime E A Revolução. Memórias Políticas ( 1941-75). This personal portrait of Caetano's tribulations as a sometimes reluctant, well-prepared but probably inappropriately selected national leader remains an invaluable primary source for historical reconstruction.During the early months after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Freitas do Amaral entered politics and became a founder of the right-wing Christian Democratic Party (CDS). He served as the party's leader to 1985 and again from 1988 to 1991, and was a member of parliament, the Assembly of the Republic, from 1975 to 1983 and from 1992 to 1993. When the Democratic Alliance, of which the CDS was a part, won elections in 1979-80, Freitas do Amaral served as deputy prime minister and minister of defense and, when Francisco de Sá Carneiro died in a mysterious air crash, Freitas do Amaral briefly served as interim prime minister. He was a candidate for the presidency in the 1986 presidential election, although he lost to Mário Soares. In 1995, he served as President of the United Nations General Assembly. As a European federalist who disagreed with the CDS Euroskeptic line followed by Paulo Portas, Freitas do Amaral broke with his party and resigned from it. Although he was usually regarded as a right-winger, Freitas do Amaral backed the Social Democratic Party in the 2002 Assembly of the Republic elections. Disillusioned with the government's policies and critical of its endorsement of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, Freitas do Amaral shifted his support to the Socialist Party in the 2005 election. The new prime minister José Sôcrates named Freitas do Amaral minister of foreign affairs in the XVII Constitutional Government, but the senior jurist and politician resigned after a year in office, for health reasons.After many years as a law professor at the New University of Lisbon, in 2007, Freitas do Amaral delivered a final public lecture and retired from academia. He is the author of a biography of King Afonso I, a play, and of various legal and juridical studies and is considered the most eminent living scholar in the fields of administrative and constitutional law.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Freitas do Amaral, Diogo
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25 PIDE
(Political Police)Commonly known as the PIDE, the Estado Novo's political police was established in 1932. The acronym of PIDE stood for Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado or International and State Defense State Police, the name it was known by from 1945 to 1969. From 1932 to 1945, it was known by a different acronym: PVDE or Polícia da Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado. After Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar was replaced in office by Marcello Caetano, the political police was renamed DGS, Direcção-Geral da Seguridade or Directorate General of Security.This force was the most infamous means of repression and a major source of fear among the opposition during the long history of the Estado Novo. While it was described as "secret police," nearly everyone knew of its existence, although its methods — in theory—were "secret." The PVDE/PIDE/DGS had functions much broader than purely the repression of any opposition to the regime. It combined the roles of a border police, customs inspectorate, immigration force, political police, and a regime vetting administration of credentials for government or even private sector jobs. Furthermore, this police had powers of arrest, pursued nonpolitical criminals, and administered its own prison system. From the 1950s on, the PIDE extended its operations to the empire and began to directly suppress oppositionists in various colonies in Africa and Asia.While this police became more notorious and known to the public after 1958-61, before that new outburst of antiregime activity, it was perhaps more effective in neutralizing or destroying oppositionist groups. It was especially effective in damaging the Communist Party of Portugal (PCP) in the 1930s and early 1940s. Yet, beginning with the unprecedented strikes and political activities of 194345, the real heyday had passed. During World War II, its top echelons were in the pay of both the Allies and Axis powers, although in later propaganda from the left, the PIDE's pro-Axis reputation was carefully groomed into a myth.As for its actual strength and resources, it seems clear that it employed several thousand officers and also had thousands of informants in the general population. Under new laws of 1945, this police force received the further power to institute 90-day detention without charge or trial and such a detention could easily be renewed. A who's-who of the political opposition emerges from those who spent years in PIDE prisons or were frequently arrested without charge. The PIDE remained numerous and well-funded into 1974, when the Revolution of 25 April 1974 overthrew the regime and abolished it. A major question remains: If this police knew much about the Armed Forces Movement coup conspiracy, why was it so ineffective in arresting known leaders and squashing the plot? -
26 Spain
Portugal's independence and sovereignty as a nation-state are based on being separate from Spain. Achieving this on a peninsula where its only landward neighbor, Spain, is stronger, richer, larger, and more populous, raises interesting historical questions. Considering the disparity in size of population alone — Spain (as of 2000) had a population of 40 million, whereas Portugal's population numbered little over 10 million—how did Portugal maintain its sometimes precarious independence? If the Basques, Catalans, and Galicians succumbed to Castilian military and political dominance and were incorporated into greater Spain, how did little Portugal manage to survive the "Spanish menace?" A combination of factors enabled Portugal to keep free of Spain, despite the era of "Babylonian Captivity" (1580-1640). These include an intense Portuguese national spirit; foreign assistance in staving off Spanish invasions and attacks between the late 14th century and the mid l9th century, principally through the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance and some assistance from France; historical circumstances regarding Spain's own trials and tribulations and decline in power after 1600.In Portugal's long history, Castile and Leon (later "Spain," as unified in the 16th century) acted as a kind of Iberian mother and stepmother, present at Portugal's birth as well as at times when Portuguese independence was either in danger or lost. Portugal's birth as a separate state in the 12th century was in part a consequence of the king of Castile's granting the "County of Portucale" to a transplanted Burgundian count in the late 11th century. For centuries Castile, Leon, Aragon, and Portugal struggled for supremacy on the peninsula, until the Castilian army met defeat in 1385 at the battle of Aljubarrota, thus assuring Portugal's independence for nearly two centuries. Portugal and its overseas empire suffered considerably under rule by Phillipine Spain (1580-1640). Triumphant in the War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68), Portugal came to depend on its foreign alliances to provide a counterweight to a still menacing kindred neighbor. Under the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance, England (later Great Britain) managed to help Portugal thwart more than a few Spanish invasion threats in the next centuries. Rumors and plots of Spain consuming Portugal continued during the 19th century and even during the first Portuguese republic's early years to 1914.Following difficult diplomatic relations during Spain's subsequent Second Republic (1931-36) and civil war (1936-39), Luso-Span-ish relations improved significantly under the authoritarian regimes that ruled both states until the mid-1970s. Portugal's prime minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar and Spain's generalissimo Francisco Franco signed nonaggression and other treaties, lent each other mutual support, and periodically consulted one another on vital questions. During this era (1939-74), there were relatively little trade, business, and cultural relations between the two neighbors, who mainly tended to ignore one another. Spain's economy developed more rapidly than Portugal's after 1950, and General Franco was quick to support the Estado Novo across the frontier if he perceived a threat to his fellow dictator's regime. In January 1962, for instance, Spanish army units approached the Portuguese frontier in case the abortive military coup at Beja (where a Portuguese oppositionist plot failed) threatened the Portuguese dictatorship.Since Portugal's Revolution of 25 April 1974, and the death of General Franco and the establishment of democracy in Spain (1975-78), Luso-Spanish relations have improved significantly. Portugal has experienced a great deal of Spanish investment, tourism, and other economic activities, since both Spain and Portugal became members of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986.Yet, Portugal's relations with Spain have become closer still, with increased integration in the European Union. Portugal remains determined not to be confused with Spain, and whatever threat from across the frontier exists comes more from Spanish investment than from Spanish winds, marriages, and armies. The fact remains that Luso-Spanish relations are more open and mutually beneficial than perhaps at any other time in history. -
27 Twenty-eighth of May
During the Estado Novo (1926-74), 28 May was an important national holiday celebrated by the regime as marking the day of the 1926 military coup led by General Gomes da Costa, which overthrew the first parliamentary republic. During that 48-year period, the regime employed this celebration as a means to impress the citizenry with its armed strength and support, show solidarity among regime stalwarts, and unify regime ranks. Traditionally, the regime organized a military parade in Lisbon on the major Avenida de Liberdade, from Praça Pombal to Praça Rossio. In regime propaganda, 28 May symbolized the beginning of the so-called "National Revolution" of the conservative, nationalist, corporatist authoritarian system led by Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar and later by Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, until it was overthrown in 1974.See also Revolution of 25 april 1974; Twenty-fifth of April. -
28 GENERAL REFERENCES
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29 Estado Novo
The name of the Portuguese regime from 1930 until the Revolution of 25 April 1974. The term "New State" may have been influenced by an earlier regime's name for itself, República Nova or "New Republic," led by President Sidónio Pais (1917-18) during in the First Republic (1910-26). The name Estado Novo appears for the first time in 1930, during the military phase; it caught on with supporters of the regime and became official. The Estado Novo was a version of the extremely nationalistic regimes that came to power in Europe after World War I. The Portuguese version was strongly influenced by conservative Catholic social doctrines, which held that society was organically hierarchical and church and state were closely allied. The relationship of the individual to society and the state was mediated through his or her membership in natural "orders," such as the family. The conservative Catholicism of the Estado Novo emphasized discipline, obedience, dedication, and sacrifice. It was opposed to the liberal doctrines of the French Revolution (individualism, separation of church and state, democracy), as well as to the socialist doctrines of the Russian Revolution (collectivism, atheism, etc). -
30 União Nacional
The officially sanctioned political movement of regime loyalists during the Estado Novo. Founded in 1930, the "National Union," whose name may have been modeled in part on the "Patriotic Union" of Spain's Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923-30), was not a mass political party, but a movement whose purpose was to support the policies and aims of the Estado Novo. The strategy of the founders, in particular, Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Sala- zar, was that an organization like the União Nacional would unite diverse groups in one movement, including warring monarchists and republicans, and would replace political parties. After 1935, when all political parties and other associations such as the Masons were banned by the government, the União Nacional was the only legal political "party." In all future elections during the Estado Novo, this organization sponsored all regime candidates, who were hand-picked by Salazar and close associates. Only beginning with the 1942 municipal elections, under severe restrict ions, were opposition candidates allowed to run against the União Nacional slates. Membership in the União Nacional for a long period was compulsory for most government employees.
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