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21 Homeric
1. a гомеровский, гомеров, относящийся к Гомеру2. a гомерический3. a эпический, героическийСинонимический ряд:Greek (adj.) Augustan; ciceronian; classical; Greek; Hellenic; Latin; of ancient Greece or Rome; roman; Virgilian -
22 Virgilian
1. n специалист по Вергилию2. a относящийся к Вергилию, вергилиевСинонимический ряд:Greek (adj.) Augustan; ciceronian; classical; Greek; Hellenic; Homeric; Latin; of ancient Greece or Rome; roman -
23 altgriechisch
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24 δύο
δύο gen. and acc. δύο, dat. δυσί (as early as Thu. 8, 101, 1 codd., then Aristot.+; Polyaenus 2, 3, 8; 3, 9, 47; TestJob 38:8; pap in Mayser I2/2, 73; ins e.g. IPriene s. index; B-D-F §63, 1; Mlt-H. 170), dual gen. δυοῖν (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 8 Jac.) (Hom.+; loanw. in rabb.) ‘two’.ⓐ as simple adj. or subst. twoα. nom.א. used w. subst.: δ. δαιμονιζόμενοι two possessed pers. Mt 8:28; δ. τυφλοί 9:27; 20:30; cp. 26:60; 27:38 and oft.ג. δ. ἢ τρεῖς two or three used approximately for a small number (Ananius Lyr. [VI B.C.] Fgm. 2 [AnthLG3] in Athen. 3, 78f δύʼ ἢ τρεῖς ἀνθρώπους; X., An. 4, 7, 5; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 232) Mt 18:20; J 2:6; 1 Cor 14:29. In the same sense δ. καὶ τρεῖς (Ael. Aristid. 45 p. 4 D.; 11 D.; Polyaenus 6, 1, 2) 2 Cor 13:1.ד. w. the art. (PGiss 2 II, 5; 14; TestJob 35:3; 39:4) Mt 19:5; Mk 10:8; 1 Cor 6:16; Eph 5:31 (Gen 2:24).β. gen. Mt 18:16 (Dt 19:15); Lk 12:6; J 8:17; Ac 12:6 al.γ. dat. Mt 6:24; Mk 16:12; Lk 16:13; Ac 12:6; 21:33; Hb 10:28 (Dt 17:6).δ. acc. Mt 4:18, 21; 10:10, 29; 14:17; 18:8 and oft.ⓑ in idiomatic phrases: w. prep. εἰς δ. in two (Lucian, Tox. 54; PGM 13, 262; TestJud 2:6) Mt 27:51a; Mk 15:38; ἀνὰ δ. two apiece Lk 9:3; ἀνὰ δύο δύο two by two Lk 10:1; cp. J 2:6; κατὰ δ. two at a time 1 Cor 14:27. Also δύο δύο two by two Mk 6:7 (this way of expressing a distributive number is found also in LXX, Gen 7:3, 9, 15 and is widely regarded as a Semitism [Wlh., Einl.2 1911, 24; JWackernagel, TLZ 34, 1909, 227]. Nevertheless it occurs as early as Aeschyl., Pers. 981 [but s. Mussies 218: perh. not distributive but w. emotional value]; Soph., Fgm. 191 Nauck2; POxy 121, 9 [III A.D.] τρία τρία; cp. the mixed expr. κατὰ δύο δύο in the magical pap POxy 886, 19 [III A.D.], in Medieval Gk. [KDieterich, Unters. z. Gesch. d. griech. Sprache 1898, 188], and in Mod. Gk. [JPsichari, Essai sur le Grec de la Septante: Rev. des Ét. juives 55, 1908, 161–208, esp. 183ff]. Cp. Dssm., LO 98f [LAE 122f]; Mlt. 21 n. 3; 97; Mlt-H. 270; 439f; Thumb 128; B-D-F §248, 1; Rdm.2 72; s. also HThesleff, Studies on Intensification in Early and Classical Greek ’54). On Mk 6:7 see JJeremias, NT Essays: Studies in Memory of TWManson ’59, 136–43.—In Rv 9:12 it can be understood as a translation of the Heb. dual double, twofold (cp. TestJob 53:2 διπλῶς τὸ οὐαί).—JGonda, Reflections on the Numerals ‘One’ and ‘Two’ in Ancient IE Languages ’53. S. also entry δισμυριάς. DELG.—M-M. -
25 Altgriechisch
alt·grie·chisch2. Alt·grie·chisch nt classical [or ancient] Greek -
26 altgriechisch
alt·grie·chisch2. Alt·grie·chisch nt classical [or ancient] Greek -
27 Vitruvius Pollio
SUBJECT AREA: Architecture and building[br]b. early first century BCd. c. 25 BC[br]Roman writer on architecture and engineering subjects.[br]Nothing is known of Vitruvius apart from what can be gleaned from his only known work, the treatise De architectura. He seems to have been employed in some capacity by Julius Caesar and continued to serve under his heir, Octavianus, later Emperor Augustus, to whom he dedicated his book. It was written towards the end of his life, after Octavianus became undisputed ruler of the Empire by his victory at Actium in 31 BC, and was based partly on his own experience and partly on earlier, Hellenistic, writers.The De architectura is divided into ten books. The first seven books expound the general principles of architecture and the planning, design and construction of various types of building, public and domestic, including a consideration of techniques and materials. Book 7 deals with interior decoration, including stucco work and painting, while Book 8 treats water supply, from the location of sources to the transport of water by aqueducts, tunnels and pipes. Book 9, after a long and somewhat confused account of the astronomical theories of the day, describes various forms of clock and sundial. Finally, Book 10 deals with mechanical devices for handling building materials and raising and pumping water, for which Vitruvius draws on the earlier Greek authors Ctesibius and Hero.Although this may seem a motley assembly of subjects, to the Roman architect and builder it was a logical compendium of the subjects he was expected to know about. At the time, Vitruvius' rigid rules for the design of buildings such as temples seem to have had little influence, but his accounts of more practical matters of building materials and techniques were widely used. His illustrations to the original work were lost in antiquity, for no later manuscript includes them. Through the Middle Ages, manuscript copies were made in monastic scriptoria, although the architectural style in vogue had little relevance to those in Vitruvius: these came into their own with the Italian Renaissance. Alberti, writing the first great Renaissance treatise on architecture from 1452 to 1467, drew heavily on De architectura; those who sought to revive the styles of antiquity were bound to regard the only surviving text on the subject as authoritative. The appearance of the first printed edition in 1486 only served to extend its influence.During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Vitruvius was used as a handbook for constructing machines and instruments. For the modern historian of technology and architecture the work is a source of prime importance, although it must be remembered that the illustrations in the early printed editions are of contemporary reproductions of ancient devices using the techniques of the time, rather than authentic representations of ancient technology.[br]BibliographyOf the several critical editions of De architectura there are the Teubner edition, 1899. ed. V.Rose, Leipzig; the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1962, ed. F.Granger, London: Heinemann, (with English trans. and notes); and the Collection Guillaume Budé with French trans. and full commentary, 10 vols, Paris (in progress).Further ReadingApart from the notes to the printed editions, see also: H.Plommer, 1973, Vitruvius and Later Roman Building Manuals, London. A.G.Drachmann, 1963, The Mechanical Technology of Greek and Roman Antiquity Copenhagen and London.S.L.Gibbs, 1976, Greek and Roman Sundials, New Haven and London.LRD -
28 Philosophy
And what I believe to be more important here is that I find in myself an infinity of ideas of certain things which cannot be assumed to be pure nothingness, even though they may have perhaps no existence outside of my thought. These things are not figments of my imagination, even though it is within my power to think of them or not to think of them; on the contrary, they have their own true and immutable natures. Thus, for example, when I imagine a triangle, even though there may perhaps be no such figure anywhere in the world outside of my thought, nor ever have been, nevertheless the figure cannot help having a certain determinate nature... or essence, which is immutable and eternal, which I have not invented and which does not in any way depend upon my mind. (Descartes, 1951, p. 61)Let us console ourselves for not knowing the possible connections between a spider and the rings of Saturn, and continue to examine what is within our reach. (Voltaire, 1961, p. 144)As modern physics started with the Newtonian revolution, so modern philosophy starts with what one might call the Cartesian Catastrophe. The catastrophe consisted in the splitting up of the world into the realms of matter and mind, and the identification of "mind" with conscious thinking. The result of this identification was the shallow rationalism of l'esprit Cartesien, and an impoverishment of psychology which it took three centuries to remedy even in part. (Koestler, 1964, p. 148)It has been made of late a reproach against natural philosophy that it has struck out on a path of its own, and has separated itself more and more widely from the other sciences which are united by common philological and historical studies. The opposition has, in fact, been long apparent, and seems to me to have grown up mainly under the influence of the Hegelian philosophy, or, at any rate, to have been brought out into more distinct relief by that philosophy.... The sole object of Kant's "Critical Philosophy" was to test the sources and the authority of our knowledge, and to fix a definite scope and standard for the researches of philosophy, as compared with other sciences.... [But Hegel's] "Philosophy of Identity" was bolder. It started with the hypothesis that not only spiritual phenomena, but even the actual world-nature, that is, and man-were the result of an act of thought on the part of a creative mind, similar, it was supposed, in kind to the human mind.... The philosophers accused the scientific men of narrowness; the scientific men retorted that the philosophers were crazy. And so it came about that men of science began to lay some stress on the banishment of all philosophic influences from their work; while some of them, including men of the greatest acuteness, went so far as to condemn philosophy altogether, not merely as useless, but as mischievous dreaming. Thus, it must be confessed, not only were the illegitimate pretensions of the Hegelian system to subordinate to itself all other studies rejected, but no regard was paid to the rightful claims of philosophy, that is, the criticism of the sources of cognition, and the definition of the functions of the intellect. (Helmholz, quoted in Dampier, 1966, pp. 291-292)Philosophy remains true to its classical tradition by renouncing it. (Habermas, 1972, p. 317)I have not attempted... to put forward any grand view of the nature of philosophy; nor do I have any such grand view to put forth if I would. It will be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the history of "howlers" and progress in philosophy as the debunking of howlers. It will also be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the enterprise of putting forward a priori truths about the world.... I see philosophy as a field which has certain central questions, for example, the relation between thought and reality.... It seems obvious that in dealing with these questions philosophers have formulated rival research programs, that they have put forward general hypotheses, and that philosophers within each major research program have modified their hypotheses by trial and error, even if they sometimes refuse to admit that that is what they are doing. To that extent philosophy is a "science." To argue about whether philosophy is a science in any more serious sense seems to me to be hardly a useful occupation.... It does not seem to me important to decide whether science is philosophy or philosophy is science as long as one has a conception of both that makes both essential to a responsible view of the world and of man's place in it. (Putnam, 1975, p. xvii)What can philosophy contribute to solving the problem of the relation [of] mind to body? Twenty years ago, many English-speaking philosophers would have answered: "Nothing beyond an analysis of the various mental concepts." If we seek knowledge of things, they thought, it is to science that we must turn. Philosophy can only cast light upon our concepts of those things.This retreat from things to concepts was not undertaken lightly. Ever since the seventeenth century, the great intellectual fact of our culture has been the incredible expansion of knowledge both in the natural and in the rational sciences (mathematics, logic).The success of science created a crisis in philosophy. What was there for philosophy to do? Hume had already perceived the problem in some degree, and so surely did Kant, but it was not until the twentieth century, with the Vienna Circle and with Wittgenstein, that the difficulty began to weigh heavily. Wittgenstein took the view that philosophy could do no more than strive to undo the intellectual knots it itself had tied, so achieving intellectual release, and even a certain illumination, but no knowledge. A little later, and more optimistically, Ryle saw a positive, if reduced role, for philosophy in mapping the "logical geography" of our concepts: how they stood to each other and how they were to be analyzed....Since that time, however, philosophers in the "analytic" tradition have swung back from Wittgensteinian and even Rylean pessimism to a more traditional conception of the proper role and tasks of philosophy. Many analytic philosophers now would accept the view that the central task of philosophy is to give an account, or at least play a part in giving an account, of the most general nature of things and of man. (Armstrong, 1990, pp. 37-38)8) Philosophy's Evolving Engagement with Artificial Intelligence and Cognitive ScienceIn the beginning, the nature of philosophy's engagement with artificial intelligence and cognitive science was clear enough. The new sciences of the mind were to provide the long-awaited vindication of the most potent dreams of naturalism and materialism. Mind would at last be located firmly within the natural order. We would see in detail how the most perplexing features of the mental realm could be supported by the operations of solely physical laws upon solely physical stuff. Mental causation (the power of, e.g., a belief to cause an action) would emerge as just another species of physical causation. Reasoning would be understood as a kind of automated theorem proving. And the key to both was to be the depiction of the brain as the implementation of multiple higher level programs whose task was to manipulate and transform symbols or representations: inner items with one foot in the physical (they were realized as brain states) and one in the mental (they were bearers of contents, and their physical gymnastics were cleverly designed to respect semantic relationships such as truth preservation). (A. Clark, 1996, p. 1)Socrates of Athens famously declared that "the unexamined life is not worth living," and his motto aptly explains the impulse to philosophize. Taking nothing for granted, philosophy probes and questions the fundamental presuppositions of every area of human inquiry.... [P]art of the job of the philosopher is to keep at a certain critical distance from current doctrines, whether in the sciences or the arts, and to examine instead how the various elements in our world-view clash, or fit together. Some philosophers have tried to incorporate the results of these inquiries into a grand synoptic view of the nature of reality and our human relationship to it. Others have mistrusted system-building, and seen their primary role as one of clarifications, or the removal of obstacles along the road to truth. But all have shared the Socratic vision of using the human intellect to challenge comfortable preconceptions, insisting that every aspect of human theory and practice be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny....Philosophy is, of course, part of a continuing tradition, and there is much to be gained from seeing how that tradition originated and developed. But the principal object of studying the materials in this book is not to pay homage to past genius, but to enrich one's understanding of central problems that are as pressing today as they have always been-problems about knowledge, truth and reality, the nature of the mind, the basis of right action, and the best way to live. These questions help to mark out the territory of philosophy as an academic discipline, but in a wider sense they define the human predicament itself; they will surely continue to be with us for as long as humanity endures. (Cottingham, 1996, pp. xxi-xxii)10) The Distinction between Dionysian Man and Apollonian Man, between Art and Creativity and Reason and Self- ControlIn his study of ancient Greek culture, The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche drew what would become a famous distinction, between the Dionysian spirit, the untamed spirit of art and creativity, and the Apollonian, that of reason and self-control. The story of Greek civilization, and all civilizations, Nietzsche implied, was the gradual victory of Apollonian man, with his desire for control over nature and himself, over Dionysian man, who survives only in myth, poetry, music, and drama. Socrates and Plato had attacked the illusions of art as unreal, and had overturned the delicate cultural balance by valuing only man's critical, rational, and controlling consciousness while denigrating his vital life instincts as irrational and base. The result of this division is "Alexandrian man," the civilized and accomplished Greek citizen of the later ancient world, who is "equipped with the greatest forces of knowledge" but in whom the wellsprings of creativity have dried up. (Herman, 1997, pp. 95-96)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Philosophy
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29 Pliny the Elder (Gaius Plinius Secundus)
SUBJECT AREA: Metallurgy[br]b. c. 23 AD Como, Italyd. 25 August 79 AD near Pompeii, Italy[br]Roman encyclopedic writer on the natural world.[br]Pliny was well educated in Rome, and for ten years or so followed a military career with which he was able to combine literary work, writing especially on historical subjects. He completed his duties c. 57 AD and concentrated on writing until he resumed his official career in 69 AD with administrative duties. During this last phase he began work on his only extant work, the thirty-seven "books" of his Historia Naturalis (Natural History), each dealing with a broad subject such as astronomy, geography, mineralogy, etc. His last post was the command of the fleet based at Misenum, which came to an end when he sailed too near Vesuvius during the eruption that engulfed Pompeii and he was overcome by the fumes.Pliny developed an insatiable curiosity about the natural world. Unlike the Greeks, the Romans made few original contributions to scientific thought and observation, but some made careful compilations of the learning and observations of Greek scholars. The most notable and influential of these was the Historia Naturalis. To the ideas about the natural world gleaned from earlier Greek authors, he added information about natural history, mineral resources, crafts and some technological processes, such as the extraction of metals from their ores, reported to him from the corners of the Empire. He added a few observations of his own, noted during travels on his official duties. Not all the reports were reliable, and the work often presents a tangled web of fact and fable. Gibbon described it as an immense register in which the author has "deposited the discoveries, the arts, and the errors of mankind". Pliny was indefatigable in his relentless note-taking, even dictating to his secretary while dining.During the Dark Ages and early Middle Ages in Western Europe, Pliny's Historia Naturalis was the largest known collection of facts about the natural world and was drawn upon freely by a succession of later writers. Its influence survived the influx into Western Europe, from the twelfth century, of translations of the works of Greek and Arab scholars. After the invention of printing in the middle of the fifteenth century, Pliny was the first work on a scientific subject to be printed, in 1469. Many editions followed and it may still be consulted with profit for its insights into technical knowledge and practice in the ancient world.[br]BibliographyThe standard Latin text with English translation is that edited by H.Rackham et al.(1942– 63, Loeb Classical Library, London: Heinemann, 10 vols). The French version is by A.Further ReadingThe editions mentioned above include useful biographical and other details. For special aspects of Pliny, see K.C.Bailey, 1929–32, The Elder Pliny's Chapters on Chemical Subjects, London, 2 vols.LRDBiographical history of technology > Pliny the Elder (Gaius Plinius Secundus)
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30 T
T, t. indecl. n. or (to agree with littera) f., the nineteenth letter of the Lat. alphabet ( i and j being counted as one), = Gr. T (tau). It is very freq. as a final letter, esp. in verbal endings of the third person.I.As an initial, it is, in pure Lat. words, followed by no consonant except r: traho, tremo, tribuo, etc.; the combinations tl and tm are found only in words borrowed from the Greek: Tlepolemus, tmesis, Tmolus. Hence an initial t occurring in the ancient language before l (like an initial d before v, v. letter D) is rejected in classical Lat.: lātus (Part. of fero) for tlatus, from root tol- of tollo, tuli; cf. with TLAÔ, tlêtos; even when softened by a sibilant, the combination of t and l in stlata (genus navigii), stlembus (gravis, tardus), stlis, stlocus, was avoided, and, except in the formal lang. of law, which retained stlitibus judicandis, the forms lis, locus remained the only ones in use, though the transitional form slis occurs twice in very old inscriptions. Before a vowel or r, the original Indo-European t always retained its place and character. Between two vowels t and tt were freq. confounded, and in some words the double letter became established, although the original form had but one t; thus, quattuor, cottidie, littera, stand in the best MSS. and inscriptions; v. Corss. Ausspr. 1, 174 sqq.—II.The sibilant pronunciation of a medial t before i and a following vowel, is a peculiarity of a late period. Isidorus (at the commencement of the seventh century after Christ) is the first who expresses himself definitely on this point: cum justitia sonum z litterae exprimat, tamen quia Latinum est, per t scribendum est, sicut militia, malitia, nequitia et cetera similia (Orig. 1, 26, 28); but the commutation of ci and ti, which occurs not unfrequently in older inscriptions, shows the origin of this change in pronunciation to have been earlier. In the golden age of the language, however, it was certainly [p. 1831] unknown.—III.The aspiration of t did not come into general use till the golden age; hence, CARTACINIENSIS, on the Columna Rostrata; whereas in Cicero we have Carthago, like Cethegus, etc.; v. Cic. Or. 48, 160; and cf. letter C.—IV.T is interchanged with d, c, and s; v. these letters.—V.T is assimilated to s in passus from patior, quassus from quatio, fassus from fateor, missus from mitto, equestris from eques (equit-), etc. It is wholly suppressed before s in usus, from utor; in many nominatives of the third declension ending in s: civitas (root civitat, gen. civitatis), quies (quiet, quietis), lis (lit, litis), dos (dot, dotis), salus (salut, salutis), amans (amant, amantis), mens (ment, mentis), etc.; and likewise in flexi, flexus, from flecto, and before other letters, in remus, cf. ratis; Gr. eretmos; in penna; root pat-, to fly; Gr. petomai, etc. In late Lat. the vulgar language often dropped t before r and before vowels; hence such forms as mari, quaraginta, donaus, are found for matri, quatriginta (quad-), donatus, in inscriptions; cf. the French mère, quarante, donné.—VI.As an abbreviation, T. stands for Titus; Ti. Tiberius; TR. Tribunus; T. F. Testamenti formula; T. F. C. Titulum faciendum curavit; T. P. Tribunicia potestas, etc. -
31 t
T, t. indecl. n. or (to agree with littera) f., the nineteenth letter of the Lat. alphabet ( i and j being counted as one), = Gr. T (tau). It is very freq. as a final letter, esp. in verbal endings of the third person.I.As an initial, it is, in pure Lat. words, followed by no consonant except r: traho, tremo, tribuo, etc.; the combinations tl and tm are found only in words borrowed from the Greek: Tlepolemus, tmesis, Tmolus. Hence an initial t occurring in the ancient language before l (like an initial d before v, v. letter D) is rejected in classical Lat.: lātus (Part. of fero) for tlatus, from root tol- of tollo, tuli; cf. with TLAÔ, tlêtos; even when softened by a sibilant, the combination of t and l in stlata (genus navigii), stlembus (gravis, tardus), stlis, stlocus, was avoided, and, except in the formal lang. of law, which retained stlitibus judicandis, the forms lis, locus remained the only ones in use, though the transitional form slis occurs twice in very old inscriptions. Before a vowel or r, the original Indo-European t always retained its place and character. Between two vowels t and tt were freq. confounded, and in some words the double letter became established, although the original form had but one t; thus, quattuor, cottidie, littera, stand in the best MSS. and inscriptions; v. Corss. Ausspr. 1, 174 sqq.—II.The sibilant pronunciation of a medial t before i and a following vowel, is a peculiarity of a late period. Isidorus (at the commencement of the seventh century after Christ) is the first who expresses himself definitely on this point: cum justitia sonum z litterae exprimat, tamen quia Latinum est, per t scribendum est, sicut militia, malitia, nequitia et cetera similia (Orig. 1, 26, 28); but the commutation of ci and ti, which occurs not unfrequently in older inscriptions, shows the origin of this change in pronunciation to have been earlier. In the golden age of the language, however, it was certainly [p. 1831] unknown.—III.The aspiration of t did not come into general use till the golden age; hence, CARTACINIENSIS, on the Columna Rostrata; whereas in Cicero we have Carthago, like Cethegus, etc.; v. Cic. Or. 48, 160; and cf. letter C.—IV.T is interchanged with d, c, and s; v. these letters.—V.T is assimilated to s in passus from patior, quassus from quatio, fassus from fateor, missus from mitto, equestris from eques (equit-), etc. It is wholly suppressed before s in usus, from utor; in many nominatives of the third declension ending in s: civitas (root civitat, gen. civitatis), quies (quiet, quietis), lis (lit, litis), dos (dot, dotis), salus (salut, salutis), amans (amant, amantis), mens (ment, mentis), etc.; and likewise in flexi, flexus, from flecto, and before other letters, in remus, cf. ratis; Gr. eretmos; in penna; root pat-, to fly; Gr. petomai, etc. In late Lat. the vulgar language often dropped t before r and before vowels; hence such forms as mari, quaraginta, donaus, are found for matri, quatriginta (quad-), donatus, in inscriptions; cf. the French mère, quarante, donné.—VI.As an abbreviation, T. stands for Titus; Ti. Tiberius; TR. Tribunus; T. F. Testamenti formula; T. F. C. Titulum faciendum curavit; T. P. Tribunicia potestas, etc.
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