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history+of+portugal

  • 21 Architecture

       Portugal maintains an important architectural legacy from a long history of contact with invaders and other visitors who brought architectural ideas from Western Europe and North Africa. Among the migrants were Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, Germanic peoples, and Arabs, as well as visitors from France, Italy, Holland, Germany, Spain, and Great Britain.
       Architecture in Portugal has been influenced by the broad Western architectural styles, including Romanesque, Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque, and Neoclassicism. Two Portuguese architectural styles are unique, the Manueline architectural style and the Pombaline, named after the dictator the Marquis of Pombal. Pre-Roman-esque styles include early Megalithic structures, Roman styles, and Moorish or Arab styles, when Portugal was occupied by Muslims (711-1290). This period of Moorish castles and mosques, most but not all of which were razed, was followed by the Romanesque period (1100-ca. 1230), when many churches, monasteries, castles, and palaces were constructed.
       There followed the Gothic period (ca. 1200-1450), which was dominated by buildings for the Church, the monarchy, and the nobility. Related to Portugal's overseas empire, the kingdom's new role briefly as a world power, especially on the seas, and to the reign of King Manuel I, is the Manueline architectural style, described by scholars as "Atlantic Baroque" (ca. 1490-1520), a bold Portuguese version of late Gothic style. This was followed by styles of Renaissance and Mannerism (ca. 1520-1650), including the "Plain style," which was influenced by Castilian styles under King Felipe I.
       Following the period 1580 to 1640, when Spain ruled Portugal, there was restoration architecture (1640-1717) and then the Baroque style (1717-55). The largest and most unusual building from this era, the Mafra Palace, is said to be even larger than Spain's El Escorial. Following the Lisbon Earthquake of 1755, was Pombaline style (1755-1860), a blend of late Baroque and Neoclassicism, which began when Pombal's government oversaw the reconstruction of large sections of central Lisbon. Modern architecture followed this period, a style influenced in the 20th century by one of Europe's best architecture schools, the so-called Escola do Porto (School of Oporto). This school is the Faculdade de Arquitectura (School of Architecture), and alumni include celebrated architects Fernando Tavora; Álvaro Siza Vieira, designer of the Portuguese pavilion at Expo '98, Lisbon; and Eduardo Souto de Moura. Despite tragic losses of historic structures due to urban development, since the 1930s many Portuguese governments have sought to preserve and restore the remaining historic legacy of architecture.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Architecture

  • 22 граф-барон

    History: count-baron (It is a rare title used in Portugal, notably by D. Luís Lobo da Silveira, 7th Baron of Alvito, who received the title of Count of Oriola in 1653 from King John IV of Portugal)

    Универсальный русско-английский словарь > граф-барон

  • 23 About the Authors

       Douglas L. Wheeler (A.B., Dartmouth College, M.A. and Ph.D., Boston University) is professor of history emeritus, University of New Hampshire, Durham. He taught history in that institution's Department of History from 1965 to 2002, and, from 1995 to 2002, he held a chair, the Prince Henry the Navigator Professorship. He has been a research associate, African Studies Center, Boston University and an affiliate, Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. He has also been a visiting professor at Boston University; University College, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe); and Morgan State College. He was also Richard Welch Fellow in Advanced Research on the History of Intelligence at the Center for International Affairs, Harvard University (1984-85). In the 1980s, he served as general secretary of the Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies (SSPHS) and was one of the founders of the International Conference Group on Portugal (1972-2002). He was founding editor of the Portuguese Studies Review, a semiannual academic journal. He is the author, coauthor, or coeditor of six other books on Portugal, Angola, and espionage history, including Republican Portugal: A Political History ( 1910-1926), A Ditadura Militar Portuguesa, 1926-1933, and (with Lawrence S. Graham), In Search of Modern Portugal: The Revolution and Its Consequences. Among the periodicals in which he has published articles are Foreign Affairs, USA Today Magazine, International Herald Tribune, and The Christian Science Monitor. In 1993, he was decorated by the Government of Portugal with the Order of Prince Henry the Navigator medal and in 2004, with the Order of Merit.
       Walter C. Opello Jr. (B.A., M.A., and Ph.D., University of Colorado, Boulder) is professor of political science, State University of New York, Oswego. Before joining the faculty at that institution, he was professor of political science, University of Mississippi, Oxford, from 1976 to 1987. Since the 1970s, he has carried out research in Portugal as a Fulbright Scholar (1981 and 1984) and as a Gulbenkian Foundation Scholar (1978 and 1980). In 1989, he was the director for research on Portugal's regions, carried out by the European Integrations and Regions Project under the auspices of the European Universities Institute, Florence, Italy. Professor Opello has published more than 50 journal articles, book chapters, books, and book reviews pertaining to Portugal's politics and government. His Portugal-related books are Portugal's Political Development: A Comparative Political Approach and Portugal: From Monarchy to Pluralist Democracy.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > About the Authors

  • 24 Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães

    (1918-)
       Historian, academic, political figure. Internationally, Portugal's most celebrated historian of the 20th century. Born into a family with strong republican and antidictatorial tendencies, Godinho chose an academic career following his graduation (1940) in history and philosophy from the Faculty of Letters, University of Lisbon. He taught history at the same institution until 1944, when his academic career was cut short by the Estado Novo's orders. He resumed his academic career in France, where he taught history and received his doctorate in history at the Sorbonne (1959). He returned briefly to Portugal but, during the academic/political crisis of 1962, he was fired from his faculty position at the Instituto Superior de Estudos Ultramarinos in Lisbon.
       In the 1960s and early 1970s, Godinho's scholarly publications on the social and economic history of the Portuguese overseas empire (1400-1700) first made a lasting impact both in Portuguese historiography and world historiography regarding the Age of Discoveries. His notion of a world system or economy, with ample quantitative data on prices, money, and trade in the style and spirit of the French Annales School of History, had an important influence on social scientists outside Portugal, including on American scholar Immanuel Wallerstein and his world system studies. Godinho's work emphasized social and economic history before 1750, and his most notable works included Prix et monnaies au Portugal (1955), A Economia dos Descobrimentos Henriquinos (1962), and, in three volumes, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial (1963-71).
       As a staunch opponent of the Estado Novo who had been dismissed yet again from 1962 to 1971, Godinho concentrated on his research and publications, as well as continuing activity in oppositionist parties, rallies, and elections. Disillusioned by the false "Spring" of freedom under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano (1968-74), he returned to France to teach. Following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Godinho returned to newly democratic Portugal. During several provisional governments (1974-75), he was appointed minister of education and initiated reforms. The confusing political maelstrom of revolutionary Portugal, however, discouraged his continuation in public office. He returned to university teaching and scholarship, and then helped establish a new institution of higher learning, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), where he retired, loaded with honors and acclaim, at age 70 in 1988.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães

  • 25 Filipe I, king

    (1527-1598)
       Known to history usually as Phillip II of Spain, this Spanish monarch was the first king of the Phillipine dynasty in Portugal, or Filipe I. He ruled Portugal and its empire from 1580 to 1598. The son of Carlos V (Charles V) of Spain and the Hapsburg empire and of Queen Isabel of Portugal, Filipe had a strong claim on the throne of Portugal. On the death of Portugal's King Sebastião in battle in Morocco in 1578, Filipe presented his claim and candidacy for the Portuguese throne. In the Cortes of Almeirim (1579), Filipe was officially recognized as king of Portugal by that assembly, which was dominated by the clerical and noble estates. This act, however, did not take into account the feeling of the Portuguese people. A portion of the people supported a Portuguese claimant, the Prior of Crato, and they began to organize armed resistance to the Spanish intrusion. In 1580, Filipe sent a Spanish army across the Portuguese frontier under the Duke of Alba. Both on land and at sea, Spanish forces defeated the Portuguese. At the Cortes of Tomar (1581), Filipe was proclaimed king of Portugal. Before returning to Spain in 1583, Filipe resided in Portugal.
       There were grave consequences for Portugal and its scattered imperial holdings following the Spanish overthrow of Portugal's hard-won independence. Just how bitter these consequences were is reflected in how Portuguese history and literature traditionally term the Spanish takeover as "The Babylonian Captivity." Portugal suffered from the growing decline, decadence, and weaknesses of its Spanish master. Beginning with the destruction of the Spanish Armada (1588), which used Lisbon as its supply and staging point, Spanish rule over Portugal was disastrous. Not only did Spain's inveterate enemies—especially England, France, and Holland—attack continental Portugal as if it were Spain, they also attacked and conquered portions of Portugal's vulnerable, far-flung empire.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Filipe I, king

  • 26 Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves

    (19061980)
       Marcello Caetano, as the last prime minister of the Estado Novo, was both the heir and successor of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. In a sense, Caetano was one of the founders and sustainers of this unusual regime and, at various crucial stages of its long life, Caetano's contribution was as important as Salazar's.
       Born in Lisbon in 1906 to a middle-class family, Caetano was a member of the student generation that rebelled against the unstable parliamentary First Republic and sought answers to Portugal's legion of troubles in conservative ideologies such as integralism, Catholic reformism, and the Italian Fascist model. One of the most brilliant students at the University of Lisbon's Law School, Caetano soon became directly involved in government service in various ministries, including Salazar's Ministry of Finance. When Caetano was not teaching full-time at the law school in Lisbon and influencing new generations of students who became critical of the regime he helped construct, Caetano was in important government posts and working on challenging assignments. In the 1930s, he participated in reforms in the Ministry of Finance, in the writing of the 1933 Constitution, in the formation of the new civil code, of which he was in part the author, and in the construction of corporativism, which sought to control labor-management relations and other aspects of social engineering. In a regime largely directed by academics from the law faculties of Coimbra University and the University of Lisbon, Caetano was the leading expert on constitutional law, administrative law, political science, and colonial law. A prolific writer as both a political scientist and historian, Caetano was the author of the standard political science, administrative law, and history of law textbooks, works that remained in print and in use among students long after his exile and death.
       After his apprenticeship service in a number of ministries, Caetano rose steadily in the system. At age 38, he was named minister for the colonies (1944 47), and unlike many predecessors, he "went to see for himself" and made important research visits to Portugal's African territories. In 1955-58, Caetano served in the number-three position in the regime in the Ministry of the Presidency of the Council (premier's office); he left office for full-time academic work in part because of his disagreements with Salazar and others on regime policy and failures to reform at the desired pace. In 1956 and 1957, Caetano briefly served as interim minister of communications and of foreign affairs.
       Caetano's opportunity to take Salazar's place and to challenge even more conservative forces in the system came in the 1960s. Portugal's most prominent law professor had a public falling out with the regime in March 1962, when he resigned as rector of Lisbon University following a clash between rebellious students and the PIDE, the political police. When students opposing the regime organized strikes on the University of Lisbon campus, Caetano resigned his rectorship after the police invaded the campus and beat and arrested some students, without asking permission to enter university premises from university authorities.
       When Salazar became incapacitated in September 1968, President Américo Tomás named Caetano prime minister. His tasks were formidable: in the midst of remarkable economic growth in Portugal, continued heavy immigration of Portuguese to France and other countries, and the costly colonial wars in three African colonies, namely Angola, Guinea- Bissau, and Mozambique, the regime struggled to engineer essential social and political reforms, win the wars in Africa, and move toward meaningful political reforms. Caetano supported moderately important reforms in his first two years in office (1968-70), as well as the drafting of constitutional revisions in 1971 that allowed a slight liberalization of the Dictatorship, gave the opposition more room for activity, and decentrali zed authority in the overseas provinces (colonies). Always aware of the complexity of Portugal's colonial problems and of the ongoing wars, Caetano made several visits to Africa as premier, and he sought to implement reforms in social and economic affairs while maintaining the expensive, divisive military effort, Portugal's largest armed forces mobilization in her history.
       Opposed by intransigent right-wing forces in various sectors in both Portugal and Africa, Caetano's modest "opening" of 1968-70 soon narrowed. Conservative forces in the military, police, civil service, and private sectors opposed key political reforms, including greater democratization, while pursuing the military solution to the African crisis and personal wealth. A significant perspective on Caetano's failed program of reforms, which could not prevent the advent of a creeping revolution in society, is a key development in the 1961-74 era of colonial wars: despite Lisbon's efforts, the greater part of Portuguese emigration and capital investment during this period were directed not to the African colonies but to Europe, North America, and Brazil.
       Prime Minister Caetano, discouraged by events and by opposition to his reforms from the so-called "Rheumatic Brigade" of superannuated regime loyalists, attempted to resign his office, but President Américo Tomás convinced him to remain. The publication and public reception of African hero General Antônio Spinola's best-selling book Portugal e Futuro (Portugal and the Future) in February 1974 convinced the surprised Caetano that a coup and revolution were imminent. When the virtually bloodless, smoothly operating military coup was successful in what became known as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Caetano surrendered to the Armed Forces Movement in Lisbon and was flown to Madeira Island and later to exile in Brazil, where he remained for the rest of his life. In his Brazilian exile, Caetano was active writing important memoirs and histories of the Estado Novo from his vantage point, teaching law at a private university in Rio de Janeiro, and carrying on a lively correspondence with persons in Portugal. He died at age 74, in 1980, in Brazil.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves

  • 27 limitar

    v.
    1 to limit, to restrict.
    han limitado la velocidad máxima a cuarenta por hora they've restricted the speed limit to forty kilometers an hour
    este sueldo tan bajo me limita mucho I can't do very much on such a low salary
    Ricardo limitó las reglas Richard limited the rules.
    El médico limitó al paciente The doctor limited the patient.
    2 to mark out (terreno).
    3 to set out, to define (atribuciones, derechos).
    4 to border.
    * * *
    1 (gen) to limit
    1 to border with
    \
    limitarse a + inf to restrict oneself to + gerund, do no more than + inf
    * * *
    verb
    to restrict, limit
    * * *
    1.
    VT (=restringir) to limit, restrict

    nos han limitado el número de visitas — they have limited o restricted the number of visits we can have

    2.
    VI
    3.
    See:
    * * *
    1.
    verbo transitivo <funciones/derechos> to limit, restrict
    2. 3.
    limitarse v pron

    limitarse a algo: el problema no se limita únicamente a las ciudades the problem is not just confined o limited to cities; me limité a repetir lo que tú habías dicho I just repeated what you'd said; limítate a hacerlo — just do it

    * * *
    = bound, confine, constrain, limit, reduce, restrict, tie down, restrain, circumscribe, disable, box in, narrow down, border, fetter, hem + Nombre + in.
    Ex. Word is a character string bounded by spaces or other chosen characters.
    Ex. Until the mid nineteenth century the concept of authorship was confined to personal authors.
    Ex. Model II sees the process in terms of the system forcing or constraining the user to deviate from the 'real' problem.
    Ex. This limits the need for libraries to reclassify, but also restricts the revision of the Dewey Decimal Classification Scheme.
    Ex. The disadvantage of inversion of words is that inversion or indirect word order reduces predictability of form of headings.
    Ex. This is an example of a classification which is restricted to a specific physical form, as it is used to classify maps and atlases.
    Ex. There are many able people still tied down with the routine 'running' of their libraries.
    Ex. Use of the legal data bases is partly restrained by cost considerations, partly by the fact that their coverage is not exhaustive and partly by the reserved attitude of the legal profession and the judiciary.
    Ex. Traditional theories of management circumscribe the extent of employee participation in decision making.
    Ex. There are socializing factors which further disable those children who lack such basic support.
    Ex. What is important is that agencies face few barriers to disseminating information on the Web quickly rather than being boxed in by standardization requirements = Lo que es importante es que las agencias se encuentran pocas trabas para diseminar información en la web de una forma rápida más que verse restringidas por cuestiones de normalización.
    Ex. By specifying the fields to be searched, the user can narrow down the search in a very convenient way.
    Ex. The Pacific Rim encompasses an enormous geographical area composed of all of the nations bordering the Pacific Ocean, east and west, from the Bering Straits to Antarctica.
    Ex. Faculty tenure is designed to allow the scholar to proceed with his investigation without being fettered with concerns arising from loss of job and salary.
    Ex. The world of work is no longer constrained by the four physical dimensions of space and time that have hemmed us in for most of recorded history.
    ----
    * limitar búsqueda = limit + search.
    * limitar con = border on.
    * limitar el debate a = keep + discussion + grounded on.
    * * *
    1.
    verbo transitivo <funciones/derechos> to limit, restrict
    2. 3.
    limitarse v pron

    limitarse a algo: el problema no se limita únicamente a las ciudades the problem is not just confined o limited to cities; me limité a repetir lo que tú habías dicho I just repeated what you'd said; limítate a hacerlo — just do it

    * * *
    = bound, confine, constrain, limit, reduce, restrict, tie down, restrain, circumscribe, disable, box in, narrow down, border, fetter, hem + Nombre + in.

    Ex: Word is a character string bounded by spaces or other chosen characters.

    Ex: Until the mid nineteenth century the concept of authorship was confined to personal authors.
    Ex: Model II sees the process in terms of the system forcing or constraining the user to deviate from the 'real' problem.
    Ex: This limits the need for libraries to reclassify, but also restricts the revision of the Dewey Decimal Classification Scheme.
    Ex: The disadvantage of inversion of words is that inversion or indirect word order reduces predictability of form of headings.
    Ex: This is an example of a classification which is restricted to a specific physical form, as it is used to classify maps and atlases.
    Ex: There are many able people still tied down with the routine 'running' of their libraries.
    Ex: Use of the legal data bases is partly restrained by cost considerations, partly by the fact that their coverage is not exhaustive and partly by the reserved attitude of the legal profession and the judiciary.
    Ex: Traditional theories of management circumscribe the extent of employee participation in decision making.
    Ex: There are socializing factors which further disable those children who lack such basic support.
    Ex: What is important is that agencies face few barriers to disseminating information on the Web quickly rather than being boxed in by standardization requirements = Lo que es importante es que las agencias se encuentran pocas trabas para diseminar información en la web de una forma rápida más que verse restringidas por cuestiones de normalización.
    Ex: By specifying the fields to be searched, the user can narrow down the search in a very convenient way.
    Ex: The Pacific Rim encompasses an enormous geographical area composed of all of the nations bordering the Pacific Ocean, east and west, from the Bering Straits to Antarctica.
    Ex: Faculty tenure is designed to allow the scholar to proceed with his investigation without being fettered with concerns arising from loss of job and salary.
    Ex: The world of work is no longer constrained by the four physical dimensions of space and time that have hemmed us in for most of recorded history.
    * limitar búsqueda = limit + search.
    * limitar con = border on.
    * limitar el debate a = keep + discussion + grounded on.

    * * *
    limitar [A1 ]
    vt
    ‹funciones/derechos/influencia› to limit, restrict
    las disposiciones que limitan la tenencia de armas de fuego the regulations which restrict o limit the possession of firearms
    es necesario limitar su campo de acción restrictions o limits must be placed on his freedom of action
    habrá que limitar el número de intervenciones it will be necessary to limit o restrict the number of speakers
    le han limitado las salidas a dos días por semana he's restricted to going out twice a week
    ■ limitar
    vi
    limitar CON algo to border ON sth
    España limita al oeste con Portugal Spain borders on o is bounded by Portugal to the west, Spain shares a border with Portugal in the west
    limitarse A algo:
    yo me limité a repetir lo que tú me habías dicho I just repeated o all I did was repeat what you'd said to me
    no hizo ningún comentario, se limitó a observar he didn't say anything, he merely o just stood watching
    limítate a hacer lo que te ordenan just confine yourself to o keep to what you've been told to do
    el problema no se limita únicamente a las grandes ciudades the problem is not just confined o limited to big cities
    tiene que limitarse a su sueldo she has to live within her means
    * * *

    limitar ( conjugate limitar) verbo transitivo ‹funciones/derechos› to limit, restrict
    verbo intransitivo limitar con algo [país/finca] to border on sth
    limitarse verbo pronominal:
    ◊ el problema no se limita a las ciudades the problem is not confined o limited to cities;

    me limité a repetir lo dicho I just repeated what was said
    limitar
    I verbo transitivo to limit, restrict: tengo que limitar mis gastos, I have to limit my spending
    II verbo intransitivo to border: limita al norte con Francia, at North it borders on France

    ' limitar' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    constreñir
    - tapiar
    - lindar
    English:
    border on
    - confine
    - limit
    - narrow down
    - restrict
    - border
    * * *
    ♦ vt
    1. [restringir] to limit, to restrict;
    quieren limitar el poder del presidente they want to limit o restrict the president's power;
    han limitado la velocidad máxima a cuarenta por hora they've restricted the speed limit to forty kilometres an hour;
    este sueldo tan bajo me limita mucho I can't do very much on such a low salary
    2. [terreno] to mark out;
    limitaron el terreno con una cerca they fenced off the land
    ♦ vi
    to border ( con on);
    limita al norte con Venezuela it borders on Venezuela to the north
    * * *
    I v/t limit; ( restringir) limit, restrict
    II v/i
    :
    limitar con border on
    * * *
    restringir: to limit, to restrict
    limitar con : to border on
    * * *
    1. (restringir) to limit
    2. (tener frontera) to border
    España limita con Francia Spain borders on France / Spain has a border with France

    Spanish-English dictionary > limitar

  • 28 Media

       The purpose of the media during the Estado Novo (1926-74) was to communicate official government policy. Therefore, the government strictly censored newspapers, magazines, and books. Radio and television broadcasting was in the hands of two state-owned companies: Radiodifusão Portuguesa (RDP) and Radiotelevisão Portuguesa (RTP). The first TV broadcasts aired in March 1957, and the official state visit of Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain to Portugal was featured. The only independent broadcasting company during the Estado Novo was the Catholic Church's Radio Renascença. Writers and journalists who violated the regime's guidelines were severely sanctioned. Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, censorship was relaxed somewhat, and writers were allowed to publish critical and controversial works without fear of punishment. Caetano attempted to "speak to the people" through television. Daily program content consisted of little more than government-controlled (and censored) news programs and dull documentaries.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, censorship was abolished. As the revolution veered leftward, some sectors of the media were seized by opponents of the views they expressed. The most famous case was the seizure of Radio Renascença by those who sought to bring it into line with the drift leftward. State ownership of the media was increased after 25 April 1974, when banks were nationalized because most banks owned at least one newspaper. As the Revolution moderated and as banking was privatized during the 1980s and 1990s, newspapers were also privatized.
       The history of two major Lisbon dailies illustrates recent cycles of Portuguese politics and pressures. O Século, a major Lisbon daily paper was founded in 1881 and was influenced by Republican, even Masonic ideas. When the first Republic began in 1910, the editorials of O Século defended the new system, but the economic and social turmoil disillusioned the paper's directors. In 1924, O Século, under publisher João Pereira da Rosa, called for political reform and opposed the Democratic Party, which monopolized elections and power in the Republic. This paper was one of the two most important daily papers, and it backed the military coup of 28 May 1926 and the emergent military dictatorship. Over the history of the Estado Novo, this paper remained somewhat to the left of the other major daily paper in Lisbon, Diário de Notícias, but in 1972 the paper suffered a severe financial crisis and was bought by a Lisbon banker. During the more chaotic times after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, O Século experienced its own time of turmoil, in which there was a split between workers and editors, firings, resignations, and financial trouble. After a series of financial problems and controversy over procommunist staff, the paper was suspended and then ceased publication in February 1977. In the 1990s, there was a brief but unsuccessful attempt to revive O Século.
       Today, the daily paper with the largest circulation is Diário de Notícias of Lisbon, which was established in 1883. It became the major daily paper of record, but after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, like O Século, the paper suffered difficulties, both political and financial. One of its editors in the "hot" summer of 1975 was José Saramago, future Nobel Prize winner in literature, and there was an internal battle in the editorial rooms between factions. The paper was, like O Século, nationalized in 1976, but in 1991, Diário de Notícias was reprivatized and today it continues to be the daily paper of record, leading daily circulation.
       Currently, about 20 daily newspapers are published in Portugal, in Lisbon, the capital, as well as in the principal cities of Oporto, Coimbra, and Évora. The major Lisbon newspapers are Diário de Notícias (daily and newspaper of record), Publico (daily), Correia da Manha (daily), Jornal de Noticias (daily), Expresso (weekly), The Portugal News (English language weekly), The Resident (English language weekly), and Get Real Weekly (English language).
       These papers range from the excellent, such as Público and the Diário de Notícias, to the sensationalistic, such as Correio da Manhã. Portugal's premier weekly newspaper is Expresso, founded by Francisco Balsemão during the last years of Marcello Caetano's governance, whose modern format, spirit, and muted criticism of the regime helped prepare public opinion for regime change in 1974. Another weekly is O Independente, founded in 1988, which specializes in political satire. In addition to these newspapers, Portugal has a large number of newspapers and magazines published for a specific readership: sports fans, gardeners, farmers, boating enthusiasts, etc. In addition to the two state-owned TV channels, Portugal has two independent channels, one of which is operated by the Catholic Church. TV programming is now diverse and sophisticated, with a great variety of programs of both domestic and foreign content. The most popular TV programs have been soap operas and serialized novels ( telenovelas) imported from Brazil. In the 1990s, Portugal attempted to produce its own telenovelas and soap operas, but these have not been as popular as the more exotic Brazilian imports.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Media

  • 29 World War II

    (1939-1945)
       In the European phase of the war, neutral Portugal contributed more to the Allied victory than historians have acknowledged. Portugal experienced severe pressures to compromise her neutrality from both the Axis and Allied powers and, on several occasions, there were efforts to force Portugal to enter the war as a belligerent. Several factors lent Portugal importance as a neutral. This was especially the case during the period from the fall of France in June 1940 to the Allied invasion and reconquest of France from June to August 1944.
       In four respects, Portugal became briefly a modest strategic asset for the Allies and a war materiel supplier for both sides: the country's location in the southwesternmost corner of the largely German-occupied European continent; being a transport and communication terminus, observation post for spies, and crossroads between Europe, the Atlantic, the Americas, and Africa; Portugal's strategically located Atlantic islands, the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verde archipelagos; and having important mines of wolfram or tungsten ore, crucial for the war industry for hardening steel.
       To maintain strict neutrality, the Estado Novo regime dominated by Antônio de Oliveira Salazar performed a delicate balancing act. Lisbon attempted to please and cater to the interests of both sets of belligerents, but only to the extent that the concessions granted would not threaten Portugal's security or its status as a neutral. On at least two occasions, Portugal's neutrality status was threatened. First, Germany briefly considered invading Portugal and Spain during 1940-41. A second occasion came in 1943 and 1944 as Great Britain, backed by the United States, pressured Portugal to grant war-related concessions that threatened Portugal's status of strict neutrality and would possibly bring Portugal into the war on the Allied side. Nazi Germany's plan ("Operation Felix") to invade the Iberian Peninsula from late 1940 into 1941 was never executed, but the Allies occupied and used several air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands.
       The second major crisis for Portugal's neutrality came with increasing Allied pressures for concessions from the summer of 1943 to the summer of 1944. Led by Britain, Portugal's oldest ally, Portugal was pressured to grant access to air and naval bases in the Azores Islands. Such bases were necessary to assist the Allies in winning the Battle of the Atlantic, the naval war in which German U-boats continued to destroy Allied shipping. In October 1943, following tedious negotiations, British forces began to operate such bases and, in November 1944, American forces were allowed to enter the islands. Germany protested and made threats, but there was no German attack.
       Tensions rose again in the spring of 1944, when the Allies demanded that Lisbon cease exporting wolfram to Germany. Salazar grew agitated, considered resigning, and argued that Portugal had made a solemn promise to Germany that wolfram exports would be continued and that Portugal could not break its pledge. The Portuguese ambassador in London concluded that the shipping of wolfram to Germany was "the price of neutrality." Fearing that a still-dangerous Germany could still attack Portugal, Salazar ordered the banning of the mining, sale, and exports of wolfram not only to Germany but to the Allies as of 6 June 1944.
       Portugal did not enter the war as a belligerent, and its forces did not engage in combat, but some Portuguese experienced directly or indirectly the impact of fighting. Off Portugal or near her Atlantic islands, Portuguese naval personnel or commercial fishermen rescued at sea hundreds of victims of U-boat sinkings of Allied shipping in the Atlantic. German U-boats sank four or five Portuguese merchant vessels as well and, in 1944, a U-boat stopped, boarded, searched, and forced the evacuation of a Portuguese ocean liner, the Serpa Pinto, in mid-Atlantic. Filled with refugees, the liner was not sunk but several passengers lost their lives and the U-boat kidnapped two of the ship's passengers, Portuguese Americans of military age, and interned them in a prison camp. As for involvement in a theater of war, hundreds of inhabitants were killed and wounded in remote East Timor, a Portuguese colony near Indonesia, which was invaded, annexed, and ruled by Japanese forces between February 1942 and August 1945. In other incidents, scores of Allied military planes, out of fuel or damaged in air combat, crashed or were forced to land in neutral Portugal. Air personnel who did not survive such crashes were buried in Portuguese cemeteries or in the English Cemetery, Lisbon.
       Portugal's peripheral involvement in largely nonbelligerent aspects of the war accelerated social, economic, and political change in Portugal's urban society. It strengthened political opposition to the dictatorship among intellectual and working classes, and it obliged the regime to bolster political repression. The general economic and financial status of Portugal, too, underwent improvements since creditor Britain, in order to purchase wolfram, foods, and other materials needed during the war, became indebted to Portugal. When Britain repaid this debt after the war, Portugal was able to restore and expand its merchant fleet. Unlike most of Europe, ravaged by the worst war in human history, Portugal did not suffer heavy losses of human life, infrastructure, and property. Unlike even her neighbor Spain, badly shaken by its terrible Civil War (1936-39), Portugal's immediate postwar condition was more favorable, especially in urban areas, although deep-seated poverty remained.
       Portugal experienced other effects, especially during 1939-42, as there was an influx of about a million war refugees, an infestation of foreign spies and other secret agents from 60 secret intelligence services, and the residence of scores of international journalists who came to report the war from Lisbon. There was also the growth of war-related mining (especially wolfram and tin). Portugal's media eagerly reported the war and, by and large, despite government censorship, the Portuguese print media favored the Allied cause. Portugal's standard of living underwent some improvement, although price increases were unpopular.
       The silent invasion of several thousand foreign spies, in addition to the hiring of many Portuguese as informants and spies, had fascinating outcomes. "Spyland" Portugal, especially when Portugal was a key point for communicating with occupied Europe (1940-44), witnessed some unusual events, and spying for foreigners at least briefly became a national industry. Until mid-1944, when Allied forces invaded France, Portugal was the only secure entry point from across the Atlantic to Europe or to the British Isles, as well as the escape hatch for refugees, spies, defectors, and others fleeing occupied Europe or Vichy-controlled Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. Through Portugal by car, ship, train, or scheduled civil airliner one could travel to and from Spain or to Britain, or one could leave through Portugal, the westernmost continental country of Europe, to seek refuge across the Atlantic in the Americas.
       The wartime Portuguese scene was a colorful melange of illegal activities, including espionage, the black market, war propaganda, gambling, speculation, currency counterfeiting, diamond and wolfram smuggling, prostitution, and the drug and arms trade, and they were conducted by an unusual cast of characters. These included refugees, some of whom were spies, smugglers, diplomats, and business people, many from foreign countries seeking things they could find only in Portugal: information, affordable food, shelter, and security. German agents who contacted Allied sailors in the port of Lisbon sought to corrupt and neutralize these men and, if possible, recruit them as spies, and British intelligence countered this effort. Britain's MI-6 established a new kind of "safe house" to protect such Allied crews from German espionage and venereal disease infection, an approved and controlled house of prostitution in Lisbon's bairro alto district.
       Foreign observers and writers were impressed with the exotic, spy-ridden scene in Lisbon, as well as in Estoril on the Sun Coast (Costa do Sol), west of Lisbon harbor. What they observed appeared in noted autobiographical works and novels, some written during and some after the war. Among notable writers and journalists who visited or resided in wartime Portugal were Hungarian writer and former communist Arthur Koestler, on the run from the Nazi's Gestapo; American radio broadcaster-journalist Eric Sevareid; novelist and Hollywood script-writer Frederick Prokosch; American diplomat George Kennan; Rumanian cultural attache and later scholar of mythology Mircea Eliade; and British naval intelligence officer and novelist-to-be Ian Fleming. Other notable visiting British intelligence officers included novelist Graham Greene; secret Soviet agent in MI-6 and future defector to the Soviet Union Harold "Kim" Philby; and writer Malcolm Muggeridge. French letters were represented by French writer and airman, Antoine Saint-Exupery and French playwright, Jean Giroudoux. Finally, Aquilino Ribeiro, one of Portugal's premier contemporary novelists, wrote about wartime Portugal, including one sensational novel, Volframio, which portrayed the profound impact of the exploitation of the mineral wolfram on Portugal's poor, still backward society.
       In Estoril, Portugal, the idea for the world's most celebrated fictitious spy, James Bond, was probably first conceived by Ian Fleming. Fleming visited Portugal several times after 1939 on Naval Intelligence missions, and later he dreamed up the James Bond character and stories. Background for the early novels in the James Bond series was based in part on people and places Fleming observed in Portugal. A key location in Fleming's first James Bond novel, Casino Royale (1953) is the gambling Casino of Estoril. In addition, one aspect of the main plot, the notion that a spy could invent "secret" intelligence for personal profit, was observed as well by the British novelist and former MI-6 officer, while engaged in operations in wartime Portugal. Greene later used this information in his 1958 spy novel, Our Man in Havana, as he observed enemy agents who fabricated "secrets" for money.
       Thus, Portugal's World War II experiences introduced the country and her people to a host of new peoples, ideas, products, and influences that altered attitudes and quickened the pace of change in this quiet, largely tradition-bound, isolated country. The 1943-45 connections established during the Allied use of air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands were a prelude to Portugal's postwar membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > World War II

  • 30 Emigration

       Traditionally, Portugal has been a country with a history of emigration to foreign lands, as well as to the overseas empire. During the early centuries of empire, only relatively small numbers of Portuguese emigrated to reside permanently in its colonies. After the establishment of the second, largely Brazilian empire in the 17th century, however, greater numbers of Portuguese left to seek their fortunes outside Europe. It was only toward the end of the 19th century, however, that Portuguese emigration became a mass movement, at first, largely to Brazil. While Portuguese-speaking Brazil was by far the most popular destination for the majority of Portuguese emigrants in early modern and modern times, after 1830, the United States and later Venezuela also became common destinations.
       Portuguese emigration patterns have changed in the 20th century and, as the Portuguese historian and economist Oliveira Martins wrote before the turn of the century, Portuguese emigration rates are a kind of national barometer. Crises and related social, political, and economic conditions within Portugal, as well as the presence of established emigrant communities in various countries, emigration laws, and the world economy have combined to shape emigration rates and destinations.
       After World War II, Brazil no longer remained the favorite destination of the majority of Portuguese emigrants who left Portugal to improve their lives and standards of living. Beginning in the 1950s, and swelling into a massive stream in the 1960s and into the 1970s, most Portuguese emigrated to find work in France and, after the change in U.S. immigration laws in the mid-1960s, a steady stream went to North America, including Canada. The emigration figures here indicate that the most intensive emigration years coincided with excessive political turmoil and severe draft (army conscription) laws during the First Republic (1912 was the high point), that emigration dropped during World Wars I and II and during economic downturns such as the Depression, and that the largest flow of Portuguese emigration in history occurred after the onset of the African colonial wars (1961) and into the 1970s, as Portuguese sought emigration as a way to avoid conscription or assignment to Africa.
       1887 17,000
       1900ca. 17,000 (mainly to Brazil)
       1910 39,000
       1912 88,000 (75,000 of these to Brazil)
       1930ca. 30,000 (Great Depression)
       1940ca. 8,800
       1950 41,000
       1955 57,000
       1960 67,000
       1965 131,000
       1970 209,000
       Despite considerable efforts by Lisbon to divert the stream of emigrants from Brazil or France to the African territories of Angola and Mozambique, this colonization effort failed, and most Portuguese who left Portugal preferred the better pay and security of jobs in France and West Germany or in the United States, Venezuela, and Brazil, where there were more deeply rooted Portuguese emigrant communities. At the time of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, when the military coup in Lisbon signaled the beginning of pressures for the Portuguese settlers to leave Africa, the total number of Portuguese resident in the two larger African territories amounted to about 600,000. In modern times, nonimperial Portuguese emigration has prevailed over imperial emigration and has had a significant impact on Portugal's annual budget (due to emigrants' remittances), the political system (since emigrants have a degree of absentee voting rights), investment and economy, and culture.
       A total of 4 million Portuguese reside and work outside Portugal as of 2009, over one-third of the country's continental and island population. It has also been said that more Portuguese of Azorean descent reside outside the Azores than in the Azores. The following statistics reflect the pattern of Portuguese emigrant communities in the world outside the mother country.
       Overseas Portuguese Communities Population Figures by Country of Residence ( estimates for 2002)
       Brazil 1,000,000
       France 650,000
       S. Africa 600,000
       USA 500,000
       Canada 400,000
       Venezuela 400,000
       W. Europe 175,000 (besides France and Germany)
       Germany 125,000
       Britain (UK) 60,000 (including Channel Islands)
       Lusophone Africa 50,000
       Australia 50,000
       Total: 4,010,000 (estimate)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Emigration

  • 31 Foreign policy

       The guiding principle of Portuguese foreign policy since the founding of the monarchy in the 12th century has been the maintenance of Portugal's status first as an independent kingdom and, later, as a sovereign nation-state. For the first 800 years of its existence, Portuguese foreign policy and diplomacy sought to maintain the independence of the Portuguese monarchy, especially in relationship to the larger and more powerful Spanish monarchy. During this period, the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, which began with a treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the kings of Portugal and England in 1386 (the Treaty of Windsor) and continued with the Methuen Treaty in 1703, sought to use England ( Great Britain after 1707) as a counterweight to its landward neighbor, Spain.
       As three invasions of Portugal by Napoleon's armies during the first decade of the 19th century proved, however, Spain was not the only threat to Portugal's independence and security. Portugal's ally, Britain, provided a counterweight also to a threatening France on more than one occasion between 1790 and 1830. During the 19th century, Portugal's foreign policy became largely subordinate to that of her oldest ally, Britain, and standard Portuguese histories describe Portugal's situation as that of a "protectorate" of Britain. In two key aspects during this time of international weakness and internal turmoil, Portugal's foreign policy was under great pressure from her ally, world power Britain: responses to European conflicts and to the situation of Portugal's scattered, largely impoverished overseas empire. Portugal's efforts to retain massive, resource-rich Brazil in her empire failed by 1822, when Brazil declared its independence. Britain's policy of favoring greater trade and commerce opportunities in an autonomous Brazil was at odds with Portugal's desperate efforts to hold Brazil.
       Following the loss of Brazil and a renewed interest in empire in tropical Africa, Portugal sought to regain a more independent initiative in her foreign policy and, especially after 1875, overseas imperial questions dominated foreign policy concerns. From this juncture, through the first Republic (1910-26) and during the Estado Novo, a primary purpose of Portuguese foreign policy was to maintain Portuguese India, Macau, and its colonies in Africa: Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau. Under the direction of the dictator, Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, further efforts were made to reclaim a measure of independence of foreign policy, despite the tradition of British dominance. Salazar recognized the importance of an Atlantic orientation of the country's foreign policy. As Herbert Pell, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal (1937-41), observed in a June 1939 report to the U.S. Department of State, Portugal's leaders understood that Portugal must side with "that nation which dominates the Atlantic."
       During the 1930s, greater efforts were made in Lisbon in economic, financial, and foreign policy initiatives to assert a greater measure of flexibility in her dependence on ally Britain. German economic interests made inroads in an economy whose infrastructure in transportation, communication, and commerce had long been dominated by British commerce and investors. Portugal's foreign policy during World War II was challenged as both Allied and Axis powers tested the viability of Portugal's official policy of neutrality, qualified by a customary bow to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, who served as minister of foreign affairs, as well as prime minister, during 1936-45, sought to sell his version of neutrality to both sides in the war and to do so in a way that would benefit Portugal's still weak economy and finance. Portugal's status as a neutral was keenly tested in several cases, including Portugal's agreeing to lease military bases to Britain and the United States in the Azores Islands and in the wolfram (tungsten ore) question. Portugal's foreign policy experienced severe pressures from the Allies in both cases, and Salazar made it clear to his British and American counterparts that Portugal sought to claim the right to make independent choices in policy, despite Portugal's military and economic weakness. In tense diplomatic negotiations with the Allies over Portugal's wolfram exports to Germany as of 1944, Salazar grew disheartened and briefly considered resigning over the wolfram question. Foreign policy pressure on this question diminished quickly on 6 June 1944, as Salazar decreed that wolfram mining, sales, and exports to both sides would cease for the remainder of the war. After the United States joined the Allies in the war and pursued an Atlantic strategy, Portugal discovered that her relationship with the dominant ally in the emerging United Nations was changing and that the U.S. would replace Britain as the key Atlantic ally during succeeding decades. Beginning in 1943-44, and continuing to 1949, when Portugal became, with the United States, a founding member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Luso-American relations assumed center stage in her foreign policy.
       During the Cold War, Portuguese foreign policy was aligned with that of the United States and its allies in Western Europe. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the focus of Portuguese foreign policy shifted away from defending and maintaining the African colonies toward integration with Europe. Since Portugal became a member of the European Economic Community in 1986, and this evolved into the European Union (EU), all Portuguese governments have sought to align Portugal's foreign policy with that of the EU in general and to be more independent of the United States. Since 1986, Portugal's bilateral commercial and diplomatic relations with Britain, France, and Spain have strengthened, especially those with Spain, which are more open and mutually beneficial than at any other time in history.
       Within the EU, Portugal has sought to play a role in the promotion of democracy and human rights, while maintaining its security ties to NATO. Currently, a Portuguese politician, José Manuel Durão Barroso, is president of the Commission of the EU, and Portugal has held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU three times, in 1992, 2000, and 2007.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Foreign policy

  • 32 Henriques, King Afonso I

    (1105?-1185)
       The first king of Portugal, known as "The Founder" in Portuguese history and tradition. The son of a former Burgundian count, Afonso Henriques established Portugal as a kingdom independent from Castile and Léon. The independence of the Portuguese monarchy was established on the field of battle by 1139 or 1140. Afonso Henriques had his main capital at Coimbra, and devoted most of his reign to 1185 to two main enterprises: ensuring the continued separation of the kingdom of Portugal from the kingdoms of Castile and Leon and the recon-quest from the Muslims of the western parts of the Iberian Peninsula and their incorporation into his kingdom. In 1147, with the assistance of English and Flemish crusaders on the way to the Holy Land, Afonso Henriques's army took the city of Lisbon from the Muslims following an extended siege. Beginning in 1143, Afonso Henriques had received formal recognition of the independence of Portugal and of his legitimacy as king of Portugal from the pope in Rome, but it was only in 1179 that papal communications first began to employ the royal title Afonso Henriques had created and established as 'The Founder" of the state of Portugal. Afonso Henriques died in 1185, at the unusually advanced age of nearly 80 years and is known in Portuguese history as Afonso I.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Henriques, King Afonso I

  • 33 Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

       The world's oldest diplomatic connection and alliance, an enduring arrangement between two very different nations and peoples, with important practical consequences in the domestic and foreign affairs of both Great Britain (England before 1707) and Portugal. The history of this remarkable alliance, which has had commercial and trade, political, foreign policy, cultural, and imperial aspects, can be outlined in part with a list of the main alliance treaties after the first treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the monarchs of England and Portugal in 1373. This was followed in 1386 by the Treaty of Windsor; then in 1654, 1661, 1703, the Methuen Treaty; and in 1810 and 1899 another treaty also signed at Windsor.
       Common interests in the defense of the nation and its overseas empire (in the case of Portugal, after 1415; in the case of England, after 1650) were partly based on characteristics and common enemies both countries shared. Even in the late Middle Ages, England and Portugal faced common enemies: large continental countries that threatened the interests and sovereignty of both, especially France and Spain. In this sense, the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance has always been a defensive alliance in which each ally would assist the other when necessary against its enemies. In the case of Portugal, that enemy invariably was Spain (or component states thereof, such as Castile and Leon) and sometimes France (i.e., when Napoleon's armies invaded and conquered Portugal as of late 1807). In the case of England, that foe was often France and sometimes Spain as well.
       Beginning in the late 14th century, England and Portugal forged this unusual relationship, formalized with several treaties that came into direct use during a series of dynastic, imperial, naval, and commercial conflicts between 1373 and 1961, the historic period when the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance had its most practical political significance. The relative world power and importance of each ally has varied over the centuries. During the period 1373-1580, the allies were similar in respective ranking in European affairs, and during the period 1480-1550, if anything, Portugal was a greater world power with a more important navy than England. During 1580-1810, Portugal fell to the status of a third-rank European power and, during 1810-1914, England was perhaps the premier world power. During 1914-61, England's world position slipped while Portugal made a slow recovery but remained a third- or fourth-rank power.
       The commercial elements of the alliance have always involved an exchange of goods between two seafaring, maritime peoples with different religions and political systems but complementary economies. The 1703 Methuen Treaty establ ished a trade link that endured for centuries and bore greater advantages for England than for Portugal, although Portugal derived benefits: English woolens for Portuguese wines, especially port, other agricultural produce, and fish. Since the signing of the Methuen Treaty, there has been a vigorous debate both in politics and in historical scholarship as to how much each nation benefited economically from the arrangement in which Portugal eventually became dependent upon England and the extent to which Portugal became a kind of economic colony of Britain during the period from 1703 to 1910.
       There is a vast literature on the Alliance, much of it in Portuguese and by Portuguese writers, which is one expression of the development of modern Portuguese nationalism. During the most active phase of the alliance, from 1650 to 1945, there is no doubt but that the core of the mutual interests of the allies amounted to the proposition that Portugal's independence as a nation in Iberia and the integrity of its overseas empire, the third largest among the colonial powers as of 1914, were defended by England, who in turn benefited from the use by the Royal Navy of Portugal's home and colonial ports in times of war and peace. A curious impact on Portuguese and popular usage had also come about and endured through the impact of dealings with the English allies. The idiom in Portuguese, "é para inglês ver," means literally "it is for the Englishman to see," but figuratively it really means, "it is merely for show."
       The practical defense side of the alliance was effectively dead by the end of World War II, but perhaps the most definitive indication of the end of the political significance of an alliance that still continues in other spheres occurred in December 1961, when the army of the Indian Union invaded Portugal's colonial enclaves in western India, Goa, Damão, and Diu. While both nations were now North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, their interests clashed when it came to imperial and Commonwealth conflicts and policies. Portugal asked Britain for military assistance in the use of British bases against the army of Britain's largest former colony, India. But Portugal was, in effect, refused assistance by her oldest ally. If the alliance continues into the 21st century, its essence is historical, nostalgic, commercial, and cultural.
        See also Catherine of Braganza.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

  • 34 Angola

    (and Enclave of Cabinda)
       From 1575 to 1975, Angola was a colony of Portugal. Located in west-central Africa, this colony has been one of the largest, most strategically located, and richest in mineral and agricultural resources in the continent. At first, Portugal's colonial impact was largely coastal, but after 1700 it became more active in the interior. By international treaties signed between 1885 and 1906, Angola's frontiers with what are now Zaire and Zambia were established. The colony's area was 1,246,700 square kilometers (481,000 square miles), Portugal's largest colonial territory after the independence of Brazil. In Portugal's third empire, Angola was the colony with the greatest potential.
       The Atlantic slave trade had a massive impact on the history, society, economy, and demography of Angola. For centuries, Angola's population played a subordinate role in the economy of Portugal's Brazil-centered empire. Angola's population losses to the slave trade were among the highest in Africa, and its economy became, to a large extent, hostage to the Brazilian plantation-based economic system. Even after Brazil's independence in 1822, Brazilian economic interests and capitalists were influential in Angola; it was only after Brazil banned the slave trade in 1850 that the heavy slave traffic to former Portuguese America began to wind down. Although slavery in Angola was abolished, in theory, in the 1870s, it continued in various forms, and it was not until the early 1960s that its offspring, forced labor, was finally ended.
       Portugal's economic exploitation of Angola went through different stages. During the era of the Atlantic slave trade (ca. 1575-1850), when many of Angola's slaves were shipped to Brazil, Angola's economy was subordinated to Brazil's and to Portugal's. Ambitious Lisbon-inspired projects followed when Portugal attempted to replace the illegal slave trade, long the principal income source for the government of Angola, with legitimate trade, mining, and agriculture. The main exports were dyes, copper, rubber, coffee, cotton, and sisal. In the 1940s and 1950s, petroleum emerged as an export with real potential. Due to the demand of the World War II belligerents for Angola's raw materials, the economy experienced an impetus, and soon other articles such as diamonds, iron ore, and manganese found new customers. Angola's economy, on an unprecedented scale, showed significant development, which was encouraged by Lisbon. Portugal's colonization schemes, sending white settlers to farm in Angola, began in earnest after 1945, although such plans had been nearly a century in the making. Angola's white population grew from about 40,000 in 1940 to nearly 330,000 settlers in 1974, when the military coup occurred in Portugal.
       In the early months of 1961, a war of African insurgency broke out in northern Angola. Portugal dispatched armed forces to suppress resistance, and the African insurgents were confined to areas on the borders of northern and eastern Angola at least until the 1966-67 period. The 13-year colonial war had a telling impact on both Angola and Portugal. When the Armed Forces Movement overthrew the Estado Novo on 25 April 1974, the war in Angola had reached a stalemate and the major African nationalist parties (MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA) had made only modest inroads in the northern fringes and in central and eastern Angola, while there was no armed activity in the main cities and towns.
       After a truce was called between Portugal and the three African parties, negotiations began to organize the decolonizat ion process. Despite difficult maneuvering among the parties, Portugal, the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA signed the Alvor Agreement of January 1975, whereby Portugal would oversee a transition government, create an all-Angola army, and supervise national elections to be held in November 1975. With the outbreak of a bloody civil war among the three African parties and their armies, the Alvor Agreement could not be put into effect. Fighting raged between March and November 1975. Unable to prevent the civil war or to insist that free elections be held, Portugal's officials and armed forces withdrew on 11 November 1975. Rather than handing over power to one party, they transmitted sovereignty to the people of Angola. Angola's civil war continued into the 21st century.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Angola

  • 35 Commemorations, Portuguese historic

       As in so many other activities of Portugal and its people, in historic commemorative work, the past always seems present. For more than a century, Portugal has planned and sponsored a variety of historic commemorations related to the glorious Age of Discoveries era of historic Portugal. The Columban centenary commemorations, involving Spain and Italy in particular, have gained greater world attention, Portugal, nevertheless, has a history of her own commemorations.
       Whatever the political ideology of the governmental system involved, Portugal's historic commemorations have been continuous and well-planned, and have sought to stir national pride as well as regime loyalty. Portugal's official efforts in public commemoration date at least back to 1880, when the Portuguese celebrated the 300th anniversary of the death of the national epic poet, Luís de Camões. Others followed that sought to arouse national remembrance and encourage notions of national revival, by focusing either on biographical or national discovery dates. The next major commemoration was in 1894, when Portugal commemorated the 500th anniversary of the birth in 1394 of Prince Henry of Aviz (Prince Henry the Navigator) and, in 1897-99, the 400th anniversary of Vasco da Gama's discovery of the sea route to India.
       The 20th century has seen the most elaborate and publicized historic commemorations for Portugal. Besides its extensive propaganda program beginning in the 1930s, the Estado Novo put considerable effort into extensive historic commemorations, with the purpose of encouraging national pride and international respect, as well as regime loyalty. At least three national commemorations are worthy of note here, although scores of other events were held on a smaller scale. From June to December 1940, Portugal held the grand Double Centenary celebrations, which celebrated Portugal's emergence as an independent monarchy and state in 1140 (800 years) and the restoration of independence from Spain in 1640 (300 years). More than five months of activities included expensive publications of books and tourist materials, exhibits, academic conferences, and an outstanding Lisbon "world's fair" known as the "Exposition of the Portuguese World," staged at Belém, in front of the Monastery of Jerónimos, and involving the unveiling for the first time of the new Monument of the Discoveries.
       Two other commemorations of the Estado Novo deserve mention: the 1947 celebration of the 800th anniversary of the Portuguese taking of Lisbon (1147) from Moorish forces and the 1960 commemoration activities marking the 500th anniversary of the death of the central figure of the Portuguese Discoveries, Prince Henry the Navigator. The latter set of events took place during a time of political sensitivity, when the government's African policy was under strong international pressures.
       Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, democratic Portugal has put substantial resources into commemorating various persons and events of the Age of Discoveries. In 1980, Portugal's scholars celebrated the 400th anniversary of the death of the national poet Camões in many books, articles, exhibits, and conferences. But this would all be overshadowed by the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese Discoveries, which would run from 1988 to 2000. This elaborate effort involved the establishment of a government agency, the National Committee for the Commemoration of the Portuguese Discoveries, headed by one of Portugal's most eminent scholars on the subject, Dr. Vasco Graça Moura. Commemoration began in 1988 with the celebration and reenactment of the 1488 voyage of navigator Bartolomeu Dias from Lisbon to beyond the Cape of Good Hope, in South Africa. The 12-year cycle, the longest Discoveries commemorations of any century and of any Western country, put the 1992 Columban Quincentenary events somewhat in the shade.
       Between May and October 1998, Portugal held Expo '98 in Lisbon, a world's fair that was keyed to the celebration of the 500th anniversary of Vasco da Gama's discovery of an all-water route to India in 1498. This cycle ended in 2000, marking the 500th anniversary of the year that Portugal's Pedro Álvares Cabral discovered Brazil.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Commemorations, Portuguese historic

  • 36 France

       The continental European country with which Portugal has had the closest and most friendly relations since the Middle Ages and whose culture since early modern times has been the most important model for Portugal's culture. Beginning in the Reconquest, French groups assisted the Portuguese in fighting the Muslims, and Portugal's first royal dynasty was Burgundian. Various French religious orders settled in Portugal and brought new skills and ideas. Franco-Portuguese relations in diplomacy went through various phases after a virtual break between the two monarchies during the Hundred Years' War and Castile's campaigns to conquer Portugal up to the battle of Aljubarrota (1385), when France was the main ally of Castile. France gave Portugal vital assistance in the 16th and 17th centuries against Spanish aggression. French aid was given to Dom Antônio, Prior of Crato, who opposed Filipe's domination of Portugal, and to restoration Portugal during the War of Restoration (1640-68). With the important exception of the disastrous Napoleonic invasions and war (1807-11), Franco-Portuguese relations in diplomacy, trade, and culture were exceptionally good from the first quarter of the 19th century.
       In part as a response to unpopular Castilianization during Spain's domination, the Portuguese found French culture a comforting, novel foil and prestigious alternative. Despite Great Britain's dominance in matters commercial, diplomatic, and political under the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, French culture and politics came to enjoy primary importance in Portugal. Even in commerce, France was Portugal's third or fourth best customer during the 19th century. Especially between 1820 and 1960, French influence provided a major model for the well-educated.
       A brief list of some key political, literary, philosophical, and artistic ideas Portugal eagerly embraced is suggestive. King Pedro IV's 1826 Charter ( A Carta) was directly modeled on an early French constitution. French models of liberalism and socialism prevailed in politics; impressionism in art; romanticism and realism, Parnassian-ism, and symbolism in literature; positivism and Bergsonianism in philosophy, etc. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Portuguese language, including vocabulary and orthography (spelling), experienced extensive Frenchification. French became the second language of Portugal's elite, providing access to knowledge and information vital for the education and development of isolated Portugal.
       French cultural influences became pervasive and entered the country by various means: through the French invasions before 1811, trade and commerce, improved international communication and transportation, Portuguese emigration to France (which became a mass movement after 1950), and close diplomatic and intellectual relations. An example of the importance of French culture until recently, when British and American cultural influences have become more significant, was that works in French dominated foreign book sections in Portuguese bookstores. If Portugal retained the oldest diplomatic link in world history with Britain, its chief cultural model until recently was France. Until after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the largest portion of Portugal's educated elite studying abroad resided in France and took French higher degrees. The pattern of Portuguese students in higher education abroad has diversified in the years since, and now a significant portion are studying in other European continental states as well as in Britain and the United States. Diplomatic posts in France rank high in the pecking order of Portugal's small foreign service.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > France

  • 37 Herculano, Alexandre

    (1810-1877)
       One of Portugal's greatest historians and one of its giants in 19th-century writing and literature. Born in Lisbon to a middle-class family, Herculano studied commerce and diplomacy. At age 21, he enlisted in the liberal armed forces of King Pedro IV but was forced to flee to exile in Great Britain and then France. Later, he was part of the victorious liberal expeditionary force that landed near Oporto. He began his serious studies in Oporto, but soon relocated to Lisbon, where he worked as a journalist. In 1839, he was named to the post of director of the Royal Library at Ajudá Palace and at Necessidades Palace, and thus began to prepare to write his classic work, História de Portugal, a major study that when completed took the history of the country only up to the end of the 13th century. The first volume of this work, with which his fame as a historian is most closely associated, was published in 1846, but Herculano was a versatile writer who wrote novels, essays, and poetry as well as history.
       In addition to being a man of words, he was a man of action who was active in exchanges with other literati and who did government service. Herculano, for example, was on the commission that revised the civil code of Portugal. His histori cal writings influenced future generations of writers because of his literary style, because he broke through the legend and myth that had surrounded ancient and medieval Portuguese history, and above all because of his objective, scientific approach to research and conclusions. Dissatisfied with politics and public life, Herculano retired to a farm in the country (at Vale de Lobos) in 1859 and worked as a farmer until 1866.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Herculano, Alexandre

  • 38 Teixeira, Nuno Severiano

    (1957-)
       Portuguese scholar and politician, example of a new generation of academically trained public servants who favor a pan-European vision. Born in Guinea-Bissau, West Africa, in 1957, he received most of his education in Europe. Educated as a career academic, he received a master's degree in history from the Faculty of Letters, Classical University of Lisbon in 1981, and his doctorate in the history of international relations from the European University Institute, Florence, Italy in 1994. He also received a higher degree in 2005 in political science and international relations from the New University of Lisbon. He held various teaching and research posts in academia in Italy, the United States, and Portugal, as well as visiting professor post appointments at American universities, including Georgetown University and the University of California, Berkeley, between 2000 and 2003. He was active in international research networks and scholarly conferences and publications, including the American-based International Conference Group on Portugal (1972-2002).
       A member of the Socialist Party, Teixeira was director of the Instituto da Defesa Nacional, a government academy and think-tank, from 1996 to 2000 and, from 2000 to 2002, he served as minister of internal administration. From 2003 to 2006, he was the director of the Portuguese Institute of International Relations, at the New University of Lisbon. In July 2006, he became Portugal's minister of national defense in the government of Prime Minister José Sócrates. His scholarly publications are numerous, including books on modern history, the European Union, and defense and war studies. As defense minister, Teixeira was active in the pan-European activities of the European Union (EU) and made important contributions as a speaker and theorist. In EU meetings, he analyzed strategic defense planning in order to help determine the future military roles of the EU as it dealt with transnational terrorism, failed states, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Teixeira, Nuno Severiano

  • 39 Catholic church

       The Catholic Church and the Catholic religion together represent the oldest and most enduring of all Portuguese institutions. Because its origins as an institution go back at least to the middle of the third century, if not earlier, the Christian and later the Catholic Church is much older than any other Portuguese institution or major cultural influence, including the monarchy (lasting 770 years) or Islam (540 years). Indeed, it is older than Portugal (869 years) itself. The Church, despite its changing doctrine and form, dates to the period when Roman Lusitania was Christianized.
       In its earlier period, the Church played an important role in the creation of an independent Portuguese monarchy, as well as in the colonization and settlement of various regions of the shifting Christian-Muslim frontier as it moved south. Until the rise of absolutist monarchy and central government, the Church dominated all public and private life and provided the only education available, along with the only hospitals and charity institutions. During the Middle Ages and the early stage of the overseas empire, the Church accumulated a great deal of wealth. One historian suggests that, by 1700, one-third of the land in Portugal was owned by the Church. Besides land, Catholic institutions possessed a large number of chapels, churches and cathedrals, capital, and other property.
       Extensive periods of Portuguese history witnessed either conflict or cooperation between the Church as the monarchy increasingly sought to gain direct control of the realm. The monarchy challenged the great power and wealth of the Church, especially after the acquisition of the first overseas empire (1415-1580). When King João III requested the pope to allow Portugal to establish the Inquisition (Holy Office) in the country and the request was finally granted in 1531, royal power, more than religion was the chief concern. The Inquisition acted as a judicial arm of the Catholic Church in order to root out heresies, primarily Judaism and Islam, and later Protestantism. But the Inquisition became an instrument used by the crown to strengthen its power and jurisdiction.
       The Church's power and prestige in governance came under direct attack for the first time under the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77) when, as the king's prime minister, he placed regalism above the Church's interests. In 1759, the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, although they were allowed to return after Pombal left office. Pombal also harnessed the Inquisition and put in place other anticlerical measures. With the rise of liberalism and the efforts to secularize Portugal after 1820, considerable Church-state conflict occurred. The new liberal state weakened the power and position of the Church in various ways: in 1834, all religious orders were suppressed and their property confiscated both in Portugal and in the empire and, in the 1830s and 1840s, agrarian reform programs confiscated and sold large portions of Church lands. By the 1850s, Church-state relations had improved, various religious orders were allowed to return, and the Church's influence was largely restored. By the late 19th century, Church and state were closely allied again. Church roles in all levels of education were pervasive, and there was a popular Catholic revival under way.
       With the rise of republicanism and the early years of the First Republic, especially from 1910 to 1917, Church-state relations reached a new low. A major tenet of republicanism was anticlericalism and the belief that the Church was as much to blame as the monarchy for the backwardness of Portuguese society. The provisional republican government's 1911 Law of Separation decreed the secularization of public life on a scale unknown in Portugal. Among the new measures that Catholics and the Church opposed were legalization of divorce, appropriation of all Church property by the state, abolition of religious oaths for various posts, suppression of the theology school at Coimbra University, abolition of saints' days as public holidays, abolition of nunneries and expulsion of the Jesuits, closing of seminaries, secularization of all public education, and banning of religious courses in schools.
       After considerable civil strife over the religious question under the republic, President Sidónio Pais restored normal relations with the Holy See and made concessions to the Portuguese Church. Encouraged by the apparitions at Fátima between May and October 1917, which caused a great sensation among the rural people, a strong Catholic reaction to anticlericalism ensued. Backed by various new Catholic organizations such as the "Catholic Youth" and the Academic Center of Christian Democracy (CADC), the Catholic revival influenced government and politics under the Estado Novo. Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar was not only a devout Catholic and member of the CADC, but his formative years included nine years in the Viseu Catholic Seminary preparing to be a priest. Under the Estado Novo, Church-state relations greatly improved, and Catholic interests were protected. On the other hand, Salazar's no-risk statism never went so far as to restore to the Church all that had been lost in the 1911 Law of Separation. Most Church property was never returned from state ownership and, while the Church played an important role in public education to 1974, it never recovered the influence in education it had enjoyed before 1911.
       Today, the majority of Portuguese proclaim themselves Catholic, and the enduring nature of the Church as an institution seems apparent everywhere in the country. But there is no longer a monolithic Catholic faith; there is growing diversity of religious choice in the population, which includes an increasing number of Protestant Portuguese as well as a small but growing number of Muslims from the former Portuguese empire. The Muslim community of greater Lisbon erected a Mosque which, ironically, is located near the Spanish Embassy. In the 1990s, Portugal's Catholic Church as an institution appeared to be experiencing a revival of influence. While Church attendance remained low, several Church institutions retained an importance in society that went beyond the walls of the thousands of churches: a popular, flourishing Catholic University; Radio Re-nascenca, the country's most listened to radio station; and a new private television channel owned by the Church. At an international conference in Lisbon in September 2000, the Cardinal Patriarch of Portugal, Dom José Policarpo, formally apologized to the Jewish community of Portugal for the actions of the Inquisition. At the deliberately selected location, the place where that religious institution once held its hearings and trials, Dom Policarpo read a declaration of Catholic guilt and repentance and symbolically embraced three rabbis, apologizing for acts of violence, pressures to convert, suspicions, and denunciation.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Catholic church

  • 40 Education

       In Portugal's early history, education was firmly under the control of the Catholic Church. The earliest schools were located in cathedrals and monasteries and taught a small number of individuals destined for ecclesiastical office. In 1290, a university was established by King Dinis (1261-1325) in Lisbon, but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, where it remained. Coimbra University, Portugal's oldest, and once its most prestigious, was the educational cradle of Portugal's leadership. From 1555 until the 18th century, primary and secondary education was provided by the Society of Jesus (Jesuits). The Catholic Church's educational monopoly was broken when the Marquis of Pombal expelled the Jesuits in 1759 and created the basis for Portugal's present system of public, secular primary and secondary schools. Pombal introduced vocational training, created hundreds of teaching posts, added departments of mathematics and natural sciences at Coimbra University, and established an education tax to pay for them.
       During the 19th century, liberals attempted to reform Portugal's educational system, which was highly elitist and emphasized rote memorization and respect for authority, hierarchy, and discipline.
       Reforms initiated in 1822, 1835, and 1844 were never actualized, however, and education remained unchanged until the early 20th century. After the overthrow of the monarchy on the Fifth of October 1910 by Republican military officers, efforts to reform Portugal's educational system were renewed. New universities were founded in Lisbon and Oporto, a Ministry of Education was established, and efforts were made to increase literacy (illiteracy rates being 80 percent) and to resecularize educational content by introducing more scientific and empirical methods into the curriculum.
       Such efforts were ended during the military dictatorship (192632), which governed Portugal until the establishment of the Estado Novo (1926-74). Although a new technical university was founded in Lisbon in 1930, little was done during the Estado Novo to modernize education or to reduce illiteracy. Only in 1964 was compulsory primary education made available for children between the ages of 6 and 12.
       The Revolution of 25 April 1974 disrupted Portugal's educational system. For a period of time after the Revolution, students, faculty, and administrators became highly politicized as socialists, communists, and other groups attempted to gain control of the schools. During the 1980s, as Portuguese politics moderated, the educational system was gradually depoliticized, greater emphasis was placed on learning, and efforts were made to improve the quality of Portuguese schools.
       Primary education in Portugal consists of four years in the primary (first) cycle and two years in the preparatory, or second, cycle. The preparatory cycle is intended for children going on to secondary education. Secondary education is roughly equivalent to junior and senior high schools in the United States. It consists of three years of a common curriculum and two years of complementary courses (10th and 11th grades). A final year (12th grade) prepares students to take university entrance examinations.
       Vocational education was introduced in 1983. It consists of a three-year course in a particular skill after the 11th grade of secondary school.
       Higher education is provided by the four older universities (Lisbon, Coimbra, Oporto, and the Technical University of Lisbon), as well as by six newer universities, one in Lisbon and the others in Minho, Aveiro, Évora, the Algarve, and the Azores. There is also a private Catholic university in Lisbon. Admission to Portuguese universities is highly competitive, and places are limited. About 10 percent of secondary students go on to university education. The average length of study at the university is five years, after which students receive their licentiate. The professoriate has four ranks (professors, associate professors, lecturers, and assistants). Professors have tenure, while the other ranks teach on contract.
       As Portugal is a unitary state, the educational system is highly centralized. All public primary and secondary schools, universities, and educational institutes are under the purview of the Ministry of Education, and all teachers and professors are included in the civil service and receive pay and pension like other civil servants. The Ministry of Education hires teachers, determines curriculum, sets policy, and pays for the building and upkeep of schools. Local communities have little say in educational matters.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Education

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