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among+which

  • 1 among which

    waaronder

    English-Afrikaans dictionary > among which

  • 2 among which are

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > among which are

  • 3 chief among which

    Общая лексика: главные из которых

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > chief among which

  • 4 which

    wi  1. adjective, pronoun
    (used in questions etc when asking someone to point out, state etc one or more persons, things etc from a particular known group: Which (colour) do you like best?; Which route will you travel by?; At which station should I change trains?; Which of the two girls do you like better?; Tell me which books you would like; Let me know which train you'll be arriving on; I can't decide which to choose.) hvilken; hvem, hva
    2. relative pronoun
    ((used to refer to a thing or things mentioned previously to distinguish it or them from others: able to be replaced by that except after a preposition: able to be omitted except after a preposition or when the subject of a clause) (the) one(s) that: This is the book which/that was on the table; This is the book (which/that) you wanted; A scalpel is a type of knife which/that is used by surgeons; The chair (which/that) you are sitting on is broken; The documents for which they were searching have been recovered.) som
    3. relative adjective, relative pronoun
    (used, after a comma, to introduce a further comment on something: My new car, which I paid several thousand pounds for, is not running well; He said he could speak Russian, which was untrue; My father may have to go into hospital, in which case he won't be going on holiday.) som; hvilket
    - which is which? - which is which
    som
    I
    determ. \/wɪtʃ\/
    hvilke(n), hvilket, hvem (av)
    • which girl is it?
    • he left on Monday or Tuesday, I forget which
    han dro mandag eller tirsdag, jeg husker ikke hvilken av de to dagene det var
    • which way did she go?
    • which of them is your husband?
    of which hvis
    • the house, the roof of which could be seen above the trees...
    huset, hvis tak man kunne se over trærne...
    to which og dertil, i tillegg
    which is which hvem som er hvem, hva som er hva
    which of hvilke(n) av, hvilket av, hvem av
    which one? hvilken da?, hvem da?
    II
    subjunksjon \/wɪtʃ\/
    ( i relativsetninger) som, hvilket, hva, noe som
    • was the book (which) you were reading a novel?
    • this desk, which I bought yesterday, is made of oak
    dette skrivebordet, som jeg kjøpte i går, er av eik
    • he is an old man, which ought not to be forgotten
    han er en gammel mann, hvilket ikke bør glemmes
    • I lost my way, which delayed me considerably
    jeg gikk meg bort, noe som forsinket meg betraktelig
    • he said he had seen it, which was a lie
    han sa han hadde sett det, noe som var en løgn
    • she told me to leave, which I did
    hun ba meg om å gå, hvilket jeg gjorde
    all of which som alle, hvorav alle
    • these books, all of which are very old, were discovered in the attic
    disse bøkene, som alle er svært gamle, ble funnet på loftet
    • the changes, about which we spoke yesterday, will not be implemented
    forandringene som vi snakket om i går, vil ikke bli iverksatt
    against which mot hvilke(n), mot hvilket, som... ikke
    among which blant hvilke
    for which hvilket, som
    of which som... om
    • the letter of which I have informed you...
    brevet, som jeg har informert deg om...

    English-Norwegian dictionary > which

  • 5 dynamic model: A view of a problem or system in which control and sequencing is considered, either within an object by means of a finite state machine or by consideration of the sequence of interaction among objects

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > dynamic model: A view of a problem or system in which control and sequencing is considered, either within an object by means of a finite state machine or by consideration of the sequence of interaction among objects

  • 6 genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes (such as chemical reactions) among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

    Общая лексика: генохимия (раздел

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes (such as chemical reactions) among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

  • 7 soul loss (Departure of the soul from the body and its failure to return, which in many preliterate cultures, but especially among those in Siberia and the northwestern coast of North America, is believed to be the cause of illness)

    Общая лексика: невозвращение ду

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > soul loss (Departure of the soul from the body and its failure to return, which in many preliterate cultures, but especially among those in Siberia and the northwestern coast of North America, is believed to be the cause of illness)

  • 8 genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

    Общая лексика: (such as chemical reactions) генохимия (раздел

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

  • 9 Adam, Robert

    [br]
    b. 3 July 1728 Kirkcaldy, Scotland
    d. 3 March 1792 London, England
    [br]
    Scottish architect, active mostly in England, who led the neo-classical movement between 1760 and 1790.
    [br]
    Robert Adam was a man of outstanding talent, immense energy dedicated to his profession, and of great originality, who utilized all sources of classical art from ancient Greece and Rome as well as from the Renaissance and Baroque eras in Italy. He was also a very practical exponent of neo-classicism and believed in using the latest techniques to produce fine craftsmanship.
    Of particular interest to him was stucco, the material needed for elegant, finely crafted ceiling and wall designs. Stucco, though the Italian word for plaster, refers architecturally to a specific form of the material. Known as Stucco duro (hard plaster), its use and composition dates from the days of ancient Rome. Giovanni da Udine, a pupil of Raphael, having discovered some fine stucco antico in the ruins of the Palace of Titus in Rome, carried out extensive research during the Italian Renaissance in order to discover its precise composition; it was a mixture of powdered crystalline limestone (travertine), river sand, water and powdered white marble. The marble produced an exceptionally hard stucco when set, thereby differentiating it from plaster-work, and was a material fine enough to make delicate relief and statuary work possible.
    In the 1770s Robert Adam's ceiling and wall designs were characterized by low-relief, delicate, classical forms. He and his brothers, who formed the firm of Adam Brothers, were interested in a stucco which would be especially fine grained and hard setting. A number of new products then appearing on the market were easier to handle than earlier ones. These included a stucco by Mr David Wark, patented in 1765, and another by a Swiss clergyman called Liardet in 1773; the Adam firm purchased both patents and obtained an Act of Parliament authorizing them to be the sole vendors and makers of this stucco, which they called "Adam's new invented patent stucco". More new versions appeared, among which was one by a Mr Johnson, who claimed it to be an improvement. The Adam Brothers, having paid a high price for their rights, took him to court. The case was decided in 1778 by Lord Mansfield, a fellow Scot and a patron (at Kenwood), who,
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Member of the Society of Arts 1758. FRS 1761. Architect to the King's Works 1761.
    Bibliography
    1764, Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalatro.
    1773, Works in Architecture of Robert and James Adam.
    Further Reading
    A.T.Bolton, 1922, The Architecture of Robert and James Adam, 1758–1794, 2 vols, Country Life.
    J.Fleming, 1962, Robert Adam and his Circle, Murray. J.Lees-Milne, 1947, The Age of Adam, Batsford.
    J.Rykwert and A.Rykwert, 1985, The Brothers Adam, Collins. D.Yarwood, 1970, Robert Adam, Dent.
    DY

    Biographical history of technology > Adam, Robert

  • 10 al-Jazari, Ibn al-Razzaz

    SUBJECT AREA: Horology
    [br]
    fl. c.1200 Arabia
    [br]
    Arab mechanician who constructed a series of ingenious water clocks with automata.
    [br]
    Al-Jazari entered the service of the Artuqid Kings of Diyar Bakir c.1180. In 1206 the then King, Nasir al-Din, instructed him to write a book describing the things he had constructed, among which were six water clocks. The timekeeping mechanism of these clocks was not innovative and was derived from earlier Hellenistic examples. Unlike Chinese and Hellenistic water clocks, al-Jazari's clocks had no astronomical indications and were intended to display the time, in temporal or unequal hours, both audibly and visually in an arresting and entertaining manner. The timekeeping was controlled by the flow of water from a vessel which contained a float to operate the clock mechanism. An ingenious device was used to ensure that the flow of water was constant during the day and could be set to a different constant flow during the night, to allow for the variation in the length of the temporal hours. Al-Jazari's clocks have not survived, but models have been constructed from the description and illustrations in the manuscripts.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    1206, The Book of Knowledge of Ingenious Mechanical Devices (an annotated translation by D.R.Hill was published in Dordrecht in 1974).
    Further Reading
    D.R.Hill, 1979, The Country Life International Dictionary of Clocks, ed. Alan Smith, London, pp. 130, 135 (a very brief but more accessible account).
    ——1981, Arabic Water-Clocks, Aleppo.
    DV

    Biographical history of technology > al-Jazari, Ibn al-Razzaz

  • 11 Improved Upland Cottons

    These are " improved " varieties of ordinary Upland cotton obtained by the selection of choice individual plants in the fields. They have a length of 11/4-in. to 13/4-in., and are more lustrous than Uplands, but less lustrous than Egyptian. There are a large number of these cottons, among which are the following: - Aliens' long staple. Bates' big boll black rattler, Bohemian, Commander, Cooks' long staple, Culpepper, Excelsior, Moon, Peterkin, Richmond, Russels' big boll, Shines early prolific, and Sunflower.

    Dictionary of the English textile terms > Improved Upland Cottons

  • 12 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 13 Creativity

       Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)
       Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)
       There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)
       he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)
       he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)
       From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)
       Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)
       The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)
       In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)
       he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)
        11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with Disorder
       Even to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)
       New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)
       [P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....
       Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)
       A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....
       Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Creativity

  • 14 cat

    {kaet}
    I. 1. котка, животно от семейство котки
    the CAT did it шег. не съм го направил аз, не съм виновен аз
    to turn CAT in the pan напускам, изменям, ставам ренегат
    to let the CAT out of the bag издавам тайна, изпущам се да кажа нещо, ял съм кокоши крак
    to see which way/how the CAT jumps прен. гледам накъде духа вятърът
    a CAT may look at a king и най-простите хора си имат права
    (the) CAT's pyjamas/whiskers si. много фин човек. нещо от класа, като него втори няма, най-, по-
    enough to make a CAT laugh много смешно/забавно, да умрет от смях
    CAT among the pigeons/canaries опасен човек, вълк в кошара
    to put the CAT among the pigeons/canaries правя сензация, внасям смут/объркване
    to be sick as a CAT повръщам силно/неудържимо
    it rains CATs and dogs вали като из ведро
    to jerk/shoot the CAT si. дера котки/кози/лисици, повръщам (за пиян човек), like a CAT on hot bricks много неспокойно, като на тръни
    like the CAT who swallowed the canary гузно, виновно
    no room to swing a CAT много тясно, няма къде да се обърнеш
    that CAT won't jump/fight този номер няма да мине
    has the CAT got your tongue? разг. защо мълчиш, езика ли си си глътнал? not a CAT in hell's chance абсолютно никакъв шанс
    2. злобен/хаплив/заядлив човек, особ. жена
    3. si. горещ поклонник на джаза
    4. двоен триножник (с шест крака)
    5. камшик от девет върви
    a taste/dose of the CAT бой с камшик
    II. 1. мор. вдигам котва
    2. бия с камшик
    3. si. дера котки/кози/лисици, повръщам
    * * *
    {kaet} n 1. котка; животно от семейство котки; the cat did it шег. (2) v (-tt-) 1. мор. вдигам котва; 2. бия с камшик; 3. si. дер
    * * *
    котак; котка; котарак;
    * * *
    1. (the) cat's pyjamas/whiskers si. много фин човек. нещо от класа, като него втори няма, най-, по- 2. a cat may look at a king и най-простите хора си имат права 3. a taste/dose of the cat бой с камшик 4. cat among the pigeons/canaries опасен човек, вълк в кошара 5. enough to make a cat laugh много смешно/забавно, да умрет от смях 6. has the cat got your tongue? разг. защо мълчиш, езика ли си си глътнал? not a cat in hell's chance абсолютно никакъв шанс 7. i. котка, животно от семейство котки 8. ii. мор. вдигам котва 9. it rains cats and dogs вали като из ведро 10. like the cat who swallowed the canary гузно, виновно 11. no room to swing a cat много тясно, няма къде да се обърнеш 12. si. горещ поклонник на джаза 13. si. дера котки/кози/лисици, повръщам 14. that cat won't jump/fight този номер няма да мине 15. the cat did it шег. не съм го направил аз, не съм виновен аз 16. to be sick as a cat повръщам силно/неудържимо 17. to jerk/shoot the cat si. дера котки/кози/лисици, повръщам (за пиян човек), like a cat on hot bricks много неспокойно, като на тръни 18. to let the cat out of the bag издавам тайна, изпущам се да кажа нещо, ял съм кокоши крак 19. to put the cat among the pigeons/canaries правя сензация, внасям смут/объркване 20. to see which way/how the cat jumps прен. гледам накъде духа вятърът 21. to turn cat in the pan напускам, изменям, ставам ренегат 22. бия с камшик 23. двоен триножник (с шест крака) 24. злобен/хаплив/заядлив човек, особ. жена 25. камшик от девет върви
    * * *
    cat[kæt] I. n 1. котка; зоол. животно от сем. котки; Tom \cat котарак, котак; • when the \cat's away, the mice will play като го няма котака, мишките лудуват (прен.); the \cat did it разг., шег. не съм аз (виновен); to let the \cat out of the bag издавам тайна, изплювам камъчето; to put ( set) the \cat among the pigeons причинявам неприятности; пускам вълка в кошарата; to see which way the \cat jumps прен. гледам откъде (накъде) духа вятърът; the \cat's pyjamas, the \cat's whiskers ам. sl екстра човек (нещо), като него друг няма; a Cheshire \cat вечно ухилен човек; to grin like Cheshire \cat хиля се глуповато, хиля се като пача; fat \cat полит. лице, което субсидира политически мероприятия; to bell the \cat поемам най-рискованата част от една работа; to look like s.th. the \cat dragged in разг. изглеждам ужасно; мърляв съм; неприятен съм на вид; curiosity killed the \cat който много пита, бързо остарява; dog my \cats! да ме убие Господ! to flog the \cat мор. sl мъча се да се оправдая; has the \cat got your tongue? да не си глътнал езика? it rains \cats and dogs вали като из ведро; like a scalded \cat светкавично, много бързо; like a \cat on hot bricks ( on a hot tin roof) като на тръни; to look like the \cat who swallowed the canary ( who got the cream) имам гузен (виновен) вид; there is no room to swing a \cat много е тясно, няма къде да се завъртиш; to skin the \cat прен. преминавам (промъквам се) през много тесен отвор; 2. злобна, хаплива жена; to fight like Kilkenny \cats бия се до смърт (докато и двете страни издъхнат); 3. sl 1) джазмузикант; 2) sl елегантен сваляч, "бройка"; 3) мъж, човек; 4. мор. механизъм за вдигане на котвата, кат; 5. двоен триножник (с шест крака); 6. камшик с девет върви; 7. = caterpillar; II. v 1. мор. вдигам котва; 2. бия с камшик; обучавам; 3. разг. повръщам, "дера котки"; 4. sl клюкарствам, хуля; 5.: to \cat around sl скитам, шляя се, кръстосвам улиците.

    English-Bulgarian dictionary > cat

  • 15 Artificial Intelligence

       In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)
       Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)
       Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....
       When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)
       4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually
       Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)
       What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)
       The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)
       9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form
       The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)
       There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:
        Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."
        Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)
       Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)
       Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)
       The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)
        14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation
       It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)
       We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.
       Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.
       Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.
    ... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)
       Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)
        16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts
       Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)
       Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System
       Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence
       The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.
       The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)
       The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....
       AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)
        21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions
       In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)
       Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)
       Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)
       The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence

  • 16 rate

    1. noun
    1) (proportion) Rate, die

    increase at a rate of 50 a week — [um] 50 pro Woche anwachsen

    rate of inflation/absentee rate — Inflations-/Abwesenheitsrate, die

    2) (tariff) Satz, der

    interest/ taxation rate, rate of interest/taxation — Zins-/Steuersatz, der

    3) (amount of money) Gebühr, die

    rate [of pay] — Lohnsatz, der

    letter/parcel rate — Briefporto, das/Paketgebühr, die

    4) (speed) Geschwindigkeit, die; Tempo, das

    at a or the rate of 50 mph — mit [einer Geschwindigkeit von] 80 km/h

    at a good/fast/dangerous rate — zügig/mit hoher Geschwindigkeit/gefährlich schnell

    5) (Brit.): (local authority levy)

    [local or council] rates — Gemeindeabgaben

    6) (coll.)

    at any rate — (at least) zumindest; wenigstens; (whatever happens) auf jeden Fall

    at this rate we won't get any work done — so kriegen wir gar nichts fertig (ugs.)

    at the rate you're going,... — (fig.) wenn du so weitermachst,...

    2. transitive verb
    1) (estimate worth of) schätzen [Vermögen]; einschätzen [Intelligenz, Leistung, Fähigkeit]

    rate somebody/something highly — jemanden/etwas hoch einschätzen

    2) (consider) betrachten; rechnen ( among zu)

    be rated the top tennis player in Europe — als der beste Tennisspieler Europas gelten

    3) (Brit.): (value)

    the house is rated at £100 a year — die Grundlage für die Berechnung der Gemeindeabgaben für das Haus beträgt 100 Pfund pro Jahr

    4) (merit) verdienen [Auszeichnung, Erwähnung]
    3. intransitive verb
    * * *
    [reit] 1. noun
    1) (the number of occasions within a given period of time when something happens or is done: a high (monthly) accident rate in a factory.) die Rate
    2) (the number or amount of something (in relation to something else); a ratio: There was a failure rate of one pupil in ten in the exam.) die Quote
    3) (the speed with which something happens or is done: He works at a tremendous rate; the rate of increase/expansion.) die Geschwindigkeit
    4) (the level (of pay), cost etc (of or for something): What is the rate of pay for this job?) der Satz
    2. verb
    (to estimate or be estimated, with regard to worth, merit, value etc: I don't rate this book very highly; He doesn't rate very highly as a dramatist in my estimation.) einschätzen, gelten als
    - academic.ru/60358/rating">rating
    - at this
    - at that rate
    - rate of exchange
    * * *
    [reɪt]
    I. n
    1. (speed) Geschwindigkeit f
    at a fast/slow \rate schnell/langsam
    at a tremendous \rate rasend schnell
    at one's own \rate in seinem eigenen Rhythmus [o Tempo]
    \rate of fall PHYS Fallgeschwindigkeit f
    \rate of flow TECH Durchflussmenge f
    \rate of growth Wachstumsrate f
    2. (measure) Maß nt, Menge f
    in the winter months there is usually a rise in the \rate of absenteeism in den Wintermonaten kommt es gewöhnlich zu einer Zunahme der Ausfälle
    growth/inflation \rate Wachstums-/Inflationsrate f
    mortality \rate Sterblichkeitsrate f, Sterblichkeitsziffer f
    unemployment \rate Arbeitslosenrate f, Arbeitslosenzahlen pl
    3. (payment) Satz m
    we agreed a \rate with the painter before he started work wir haben einen Stundensatz mit dem Maler vereinbart, bevor er mit der Arbeit begann
    the going \rate die übliche Bezahlung
    4. (premium payable) Zinssatz m; (excise payable) Steuersatz m
    fixed/variable \rate fester/variabler Zinssatz
    high/low \rate of interest/taxation [or interest/taxation \rate] hoher/niedriger Zins-/Steuersatz
    interest \rates have risen again die Zinsen sind wieder gestiegen
    the country has a high taxation \rate in dem Land sind die Steuern sehr hoch
    5. FIN (amount of interest paid) Rate f
    \rate of return Rendite f
    6. FIN (value of a currency) Kurs m, Wechselkurs m
    exchange \rate [or \rate of exchange] Wechselkurs m
    to calculate costs on a fixed exchange \rate die Kosten berechnen anhand eines festen Wechselkurses
    cross \rate Kreuzkurs m
    forward \rate Devisenterminkurs m
    managed \rate FIN kontrollierter Kurs
    seller's \rate Verkaufskurs m
    7. BRIT, AUS ( dated: local tax)
    ▪ \rates pl Haus- und Grundsteuern pl
    8. COMPUT Rate f
    9.
    ▶ at any \rate (whatever happens) auf jeden Fall; (at least) zumindest, wenigstens
    I don't think they liked my idea — at any \rate, they didn't show much enthusiasm ich glaube nicht, dass sie meine Idee gut fanden — zumindest zeigten sie keine große Begeisterung
    ▶ at this \rate unter diesen Umständen
    ▶ at a \rate of knots ( fam) in null Komma nichts fam
    II. vt
    ▪ to \rate sb/sth jdn/etw einschätzen
    how do you \rate the new government? was halten Sie von der neuen Regierung?
    she is \rated very highly by the people she works for die Leute, für die sie arbeitet, halten große Stücke auf sie
    she \rates him among her closest friends sie zählt ihn zu ihren engsten Freunden
    ▪ to \rate sb as sth:
    how do you \rate him as a footballer? was hältst du von ihm als Fußballer? fam; ( fam)
    what do you think of her as a singer? — I don't really \rate her wie findest du sie als Sängerin? — nicht so toll fam
    2. (be worthy of)
    to \rate a mention der Rede wert [o erwähnenswert] sein
    3. BRIT, AUS ( dated: value)
    ▪ to \rate sth den besteuerbaren Wert einer S. gen schätzen, etw veranlagen
    they \rate the property in this area very heavily Immobilienbesitz in dieser Gegend wird sehr hoch besteuert
    ▪ to \rate sth etw abschätzen
    III. vi
    ▪ to \rate as sth als etw gelten
    that \rates as the worst film I've ever seen das war so ziemlich der schlechteste Film, den ich jemals gesehen habe
    * * *
    I [reɪt]
    1. n
    1) (= ratio, proportion, frequency) Rate f; (= speed) Tempo nt

    an hour/14 feet per minute —

    rate, at a rate of knots (inf) — in irrsinnigem Tempo (inf); (move also) mit hundert Sachen

    if you continue at this rate (lit, fig) — wenn du so weitermachst, wenn du in diesem Tempo weitermachst

    at the rate you're going you'll be dead before long — wenn du so weitermachst, bist du bald unter der Erde

    at any rate —

    at that rate, I suppose I'll have to agree — wenn das so ist, muss ich wohl zustimmen

    2) (COMM, FIN) Satz m; (ST EX) Kurs m

    rate of pay for overtime — Satz m für Überstunden

    postage/advertising/insurance rates — Post-/Werbe-/Versicherungsgebühren pl

    to pay sb at the rate of £10 per hour — jdm einen Stundenlohn von £ 10 bezahlen

    3) pl (dated Brit = municipal tax) Gemeindesteuern pl, Kommunalsteuern pl
    See:
    → water rate
    2. vt
    1) (= estimate value or worth of) (ein)schätzen

    to rate sb/sth among... — jdn/etw zu... zählen or rechnen

    to rate sb/sth as sth — jdn/etw für etw halten

    he is generally rated as a great statesman — er gilt allgemein als großer Staatsmann

    to rate sb/sth highly — jdn/etw hoch einschätzen

    Shearer was rated at £1,000,000 — Shearers Preis wurde auf £ 1.000.000 geschätzt

    2) (Brit LOCAL GOVERNMENT) veranlagen

    a shop rated at £1,000 per annum — ein Laden, dessen steuerbarer Wert £ 1.000 pro Jahr ist

    3) (= deserve) verdienen

    I think he rates a pass ( mark) — ich finde, seine Leistung kann man mit "ausreichend" oder besser bewerten

    4) (inf: think highly of) gut finden (inf)

    I really/don't really rate him — ich finde ihn wirklich gut/mag ihn nicht besonders

    3. vi
    (= be classed)

    to rate as... — gelten als...

    to rate among... — zählen zu...

    II
    vt (liter)
    See:
    = berate
    * * *
    rate1 [reıt]
    A s
    1. (Verhältnis)Ziffer f, Quote f, Rate f:
    rate of growth (inflation) WIRTSCH Wachstums-(Inflations)rate;
    rate of increase WIRTSCH Zuwachsrate;
    at the rate of im Verhältnis von ( → A 2, A 6)
    2. (Steuer- etc)Satz m, Kurs m, Tarif m:
    rate of exchange WIRTSCH Umrechnungs-, Wechselkurs;
    rate of interest Zinssatz, -fuß m;
    carry a high rate of interest hoch verzinst werden;
    rate of issue Ausgabekurs;
    rate of the day Tageskurs;
    railroad (bes Br railway) rates pl Eisenbahntarif;
    at the rate of zum Satze von ( → A 1, A 6)
    3. (festgesetzter) Preis, Betrag m:
    at a cheap (high) rate zu einem niedrigen (hohen) Preis;
    at that rate unter diesen Umständen;
    a) auf jeden Fall, unter allen Umständen,
    b) wenigstens, mindestens
    4. (Post-, Strom- etc)Gebühr f, Porto n, (Gas-, Strom)Preis m, (Wasser)Geld n
    5. Br Kommunalsteuer f, Gemeindeabgabe f:
    rates and taxes Kommunal- und Staatssteuern
    6. (relative) Geschwindigkeit ( auch PHYS, TECH), Tempo n:
    rate of energy PHYS Energiemenge f pro Zeiteinheit;
    rate of flow TECH Durchflussgeschwindigkeit oder -menge f;
    rate of an engine Motorleistung f;
    at the rate of mit einer Geschwindigkeit von ( → A 1, A 2)
    7. Grad m, (Aus)Maß n:
    at a fearful rate in erschreckendem Ausmaß
    8. Klasse f, Rang m, Grad m: → first-rate, etc
    9. SCHIFF
    a) (Schiffs)Klasse f
    b) Dienstgrad m (eines Matrosen)
    10. Gang m oder Abweichung f (einer Uhr)
    B v/t
    1. (ab-, ein)schätzen, taxieren (at auf akk), bewerten, einstufen
    2. jemanden einschätzen, beurteilen:
    rate sb highly jemanden hoch einschätzen
    3. betrachten als, halten für:
    he is rated a rich man er gilt als reicher Mann
    4. rechnen, zählen ( beide:
    among zu):
    5. einen Preis etc bemessen, ansetzen, Kosten veranschlagen:
    rate up höher einstufen oder versichern
    6. Br
    a) (zur Kommunalsteuer) veranlagen
    b) besteuern
    7. SCHIFF
    a) ein Schiff klassen
    b) einen Seemann einstufen
    8. eine Uhr regulieren
    9. etwas wert sein, verdienen
    C v/i
    1. angesehen werden, gelten ( beide:
    as als):
    rate high (low) (with) hoch (niedrig) im Kurs stehen (bei), viel (wenig) gelten (bei);
    rate above (below) (einkommensmäßig etc) rangieren oder stehen über (dat) (unter dat)
    2. zählen ( among zu)
    rate2 [reıt] v/t ausschimpfen
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) (proportion) Rate, die

    increase at a rate of 50 a week — [um] 50 pro Woche anwachsen

    rate of inflation/absentee rate — Inflations-/Abwesenheitsrate, die

    2) (tariff) Satz, der

    interest/ taxation rate, rate of interest/taxation — Zins-/Steuersatz, der

    3) (amount of money) Gebühr, die

    rate [of pay] — Lohnsatz, der

    letter/parcel rate — Briefporto, das/Paketgebühr, die

    4) (speed) Geschwindigkeit, die; Tempo, das

    at a or the rate of 50 mph — mit [einer Geschwindigkeit von] 80 km/h

    at a good/fast/dangerous rate — zügig/mit hoher Geschwindigkeit/gefährlich schnell

    5) (Brit.): (local authority levy)

    [local or council] rates — Gemeindeabgaben

    6) (coll.)

    at any rate — (at least) zumindest; wenigstens; (whatever happens) auf jeden Fall

    at the rate you're going,... — (fig.) wenn du so weitermachst,...

    2. transitive verb
    1) (estimate worth of) schätzen [Vermögen]; einschätzen [Intelligenz, Leistung, Fähigkeit]

    rate somebody/something highly — jemanden/etwas hoch einschätzen

    2) (consider) betrachten; rechnen ( among zu)
    3) (Brit.): (value)

    the house is rated at £100 a year — die Grundlage für die Berechnung der Gemeindeabgaben für das Haus beträgt 100 Pfund pro Jahr

    4) (merit) verdienen [Auszeichnung, Erwähnung]
    3. intransitive verb
    * * *
    (of exchange) n.
    Devisenkurs m.
    Kurs -e m. (stocks) n.
    Kurs -e (Aktien) m. n.
    Anteil -e m.
    Frequenz -en f.
    Kurs -e (Aktien...) m.
    Quote -n f.
    Rate -n (Zuwachs-) f.
    Tarif -e m.
    Verhältnis n. v.
    bewerten v.
    einstufen v.

    English-german dictionary > rate

  • 17 range

    1. noun
    1) (row)

    range of mountains — Bergkette, die

    2) (of subjects, interests, topics) Palette, die; (of musical instrument) Tonumfang, der; (of knowledge, voice) Umfang, der; (of income, department, possibility) Bereich, der

    something is out of or beyond sb's range — (lit. or fig.) etwas ist außerhalb jemandes Reichweite

    3) (of telescope, missile, aircraft, etc.) Reichweite, die; (distance between gun and target) Schussweite, die

    flying range — Flugbereich, der

    up to a range of 5 miles — bis zu einem Umkreis von 5 Meilen

    shoot at close or short/long range — aus kurzer/großer Entfernung schießen

    experience something at close range — etwas in unmittelbarer Nähe erleben

    4) (series, selection) Kollektion, die
    5)

    [shooting] range — Schießstand, der; (at funfair) Schießbude, die

    6) (testing site) Versuchsgelände, das
    7) (grazing ground) Weide[fläche], die
    2. intransitive verb
    1) (vary within limits) [Preise, Temperaturen:] schwanken, sich bewegen (from... to zwischen [+ Dat.]... und)
    2) (extend) [Klippen, Gipfel, Häuser:] sich hinziehen
    3) (roam) umherziehen (around, about in + Dat.); (fig.) [Gedanken:] umherschweifen

    the discussion ranged over... — die Diskussion erstreckte sich auf (+ Akk.)...

    3. transitive verb
    (arrange) aufreihen [Bücher, Tische]

    range oneself against somebody/something — (fig.) sich gegen jemanden/etwas zusammenschließen

    * * *
    [rein‹] 1. noun
    1) (a selection or variety: a wide range of books for sale; He has a very wide range of interests.) die Bandbreite
    2) (the distance over which an object can be sent or thrown, sound can be heard etc: What is the range of this missile?; We are within range of / beyond the range of / out of range of their guns.) die Reichweite
    3) (the amount between certain limits: I'm hoping for a salary within the range $30,000 to $34,000; the range of a person's voice between his highest and lowest notes.) der Umfang
    4) (a row or series: a mountain range.) die Reihe
    5) (in the United States, land, usually without fences, on which cattle etc can graze.) das Weideland
    6) (a place where a person can practise shooting etc; a rifle-range.) der Schießstand
    7) (a large kitchen stove with a flat top.) der Küchenherd
    2. verb
    1) (to put in a row or rows: The two armies were ranged on opposite sides of the valley.) aufstellen
    2) (to vary between certain limits: Weather conditions here range between bad and dreadful / from bad to dreadful.) schwanken
    3) (to go, move, extend etc: His talk ranged over a number of topics.) sich erstrecken
    •
    - academic.ru/60234/ranger">ranger
    * * *
    range1
    [reɪnʤ]
    I. n
    1. no pl (limit) Reichweite f; (area) Bereich m
    that is beyond my price \range das übersteigt meine finanziellen Möglichkeiten
    to be out of \range außer Reichweite sein
    to be beyond [or out of] [or outside] sb's \range of competence/experience außerhalb jds Kompetenz-/Erfahrungsbereiches liegen
    hearing \range Hörweite f; TECH Tragweite f des Tons
    to be beyond [or out of] [or outside] /in sb's \range of hearing für jdn außer/in Hörweite sein
    \range of knowledge Wissensgebiet nt; of a specialist Fachgebiet nt
    temperature \range Temperaturbereich m
    narrow \range enger Spielraum
    the value of sterling fluctuated within a narrow \range yesterday der Wert des englischen Pfundes war gestern geringfügigen Schwankungen unterworfen
    narrow/wide \range of sth kleine/große Auswahl an etw dat
    a wide \range of products ein breites Spektrum an Produkten
    a wide \range of opinions eine große Meinungsvielfalt
    3. (selection) Angebot nt, Sortiment nt
    our full \range of cars is on display in our showroom die ganze Palette unserer Automodelle ist in unserem Ausstellungsraum zu sehen
    \range of instruments Instrumentarium nt
    \range of products Produktangebot nt
    \range of services Leistungsspektrum nt, Leistungsangebot nt, Serviceangebot nt
    \range of services and products Angebotspalette f
    autumn [or AM fall] /spring \range Herbst-/Frühjahrskollektion f
    4. MUS of a voice Stimmumfang m; of an instrument Tonumfang m
    5. (distance) Entfernung f; of a gun Schussweite f; of a missile Reichweite f
    you can't miss the target at this close \range auf diese geringe Entfernung kannst du das Ziel nicht verfehlen
    at point-blank \range aus [aller]nächster Nähe
    out of/within \range außer/in Schussweite
    6. MIL (practice area)
    firing [or shooting] \range Schießplatz m
    missile \range Raketenbasis f
    rifle \range Schießstand m
    7. COMPUT Wertebereich m
    II. vi
    1. (vary) schwanken; temperature, price sich akk bewegen, schwanken
    to \range from... to... eine Bandbreite von... dat bis... dat haben
    dress sizes \range from petite to extra large die Kleidergrößen gehen von S bis XL fam
    2. (roam) umherstreifen, umherschweifen geh
    the walkers \range through the hills all day die Spaziergänger wandern den ganzen Tag in den Bergen
    ▪ to \range over sth discussion sich akk auf etw akk erstrecken
    ▪ to \range from sth to sth von etw dat bis etw dat reichen
    a wide-ranging investigation eine umfassende Ermittlung
    a wide-ranging survey eine breit angelegte Umfrage
    III. vt
    ▪ to \range sb jdn in Reih und Glied aufstellen
    ▪ to \range oneself sich akk aufreihen [o aufstellen]
    the crowd \ranged itself along the route of the procession die Menschenmenge reihte sich entlang des Prozessionsweges auf
    ▪ to \range oneself with sb ( fig) sich akk auf jds Seite schlagen fam
    ▪ to \range sb against sth ( fig) jdn gegen etw akk aufwiegeln [o aufbringen
    2. (count among)
    ▪ to \range sb among [or with] sth jdn zu etw dat zählen
    ▪ to \range sth etw ausrichten [o verschieben]
    range2
    [reɪnʤ]
    n
    1. GEOG (of mountains) Hügelkette f, Bergkette f
    2. AM (pasture) Weide f, Weideland nt
    range3
    [reɪnʤ]
    n [Koch]herd m
    kitchen \range Küchenherd m
    * * *
    [reIndZ]
    1. n
    1) (= scope, distance covered) (of missile, telescope) Reichweite f; (of gun) Reichweite f, Schussweite f; (of vehicle) Fahrbereich m; (of plane) Flugbereich m

    at close or short/long range —

    to be out of range — außer Reichweite sein; (of telescope) außer Sichtweite sein; (of gun) außer Schussweite sein

    within ( firing) range — in Schussweite

    2) (= spread, selection) Reihe f; (of goods) Sortiment nt, Reihe f; (of colours) Skala f; (of patterns, sizes, models) Angebot nt, Auswahl f (of an +dat); (of interest, abilities) Palette f

    out of/within my price range —

    a range of prices/temperatures/clients — unterschiedliche Preise pl/Temperaturen pl/Klienten pl

    we have the whole range of models/prices — wir führen sämtliche Modelle/Waren in allen Preislagen

    3) (MUS) (of instruments) (Ton)umfang m; (of voice) (Stimm)umfang m
    4) (= domain, sphere) Kompetenz f; (of influence) (Einfluss)bereich m

    this is outside the range of the department/the committee — dies liegt außerhalb der Kompetenz dieser Abteilung/dieses Komitees

    5) (MIL) Schießplatz m; (= rifle range) Schießstand m; (at fair) Schießbude f
    6) (= cooking stove) Koch- or Küchenherd m
    7) (= row) Reihe f; (= mountain range) Kette f
    8) (US: grazing land) Freiland nt, Weideland nt
    2. vt
    1) (= place in a row) aufstellen; objects aufstellen, anordnen
    2) (= classify) person zählen (among, with zu)
    3) (= roam over) durchstreifen, durchziehen
    4) (= direct) gun, telescope ausrichten (on auf +acc)
    5) (US) cattle grasen lassen
    6) (COMPUT)

    ranged left/right — links-/rechtsbündig

    3. vi
    1)

    (= extend) to range (from... to) — gehen (von... bis); (temperature, value) liegen (zwischen... und)

    the discussion ranged from the president to the hot-water system — die Diskussion umfasste alles, vom Präsidenten bis zum Heißwassersystem

    his interests range from skiing to chess — seine Interessen reichen vom Skifahren bis zum Schachspielen

    the conversation ranged over a number of subjects —

    his knowledge ranges over a wide field — er hat ein sehr umfangreiches Wissen

    2) (= roam) streifen

    to range over the area — im Gebiet umherstreifen

    * * *
    range [reındʒ]
    A s
    1. Reihe f, Kette f:
    a range of trees eine Baumreihe
    2. (Berg) Kette f
    3. (Koch-, Küchen) Herd m
    4. (Schieß) Stand m
    5. Entfernung f (zum Ziel), Abstand m:
    at a range of aus oder in einer Entfernung von;
    at close range aus nächster Nähe, aus kurzer Entfernung;
    find the range MIL sich einschießen;
    take the range die Entfernung schätzen
    6. besonders MIL Reich-, Trag-, Schussweite f, SCHIFF Laufstrecke f (eines Torpedos):
    out of (within) range außer (in) Schuss- oder Reichweite; → long-range 1
    7. Ausdehnung f, Umfang m, Skala f:
    a narrow range of choice eine kleine Auswahl;
    the range of his experience die Spannweite seiner Erfahrung
    8. WIRTSCH Kollektion f:
    a wide range (of goods) eine große Auswahl, ein großes Angebot;
    have a wide range of eine große Auswahl haben an (dat), gut sortiert sein in (dat)
    9. fig Bereich m, Spielraum m, Grenzen pl, auch TECH etc (z. B. Hör-, Mess-, Skalen)Bereich m, (Radar) Auffassbereich m, RADIO (Frequenz-, Wellen)Bereich m, Senderreichweite f:
    range (of action) Aktionsbereich, -radius m, FLUG Flugbereich;
    range (of activities) Betätigungsfeld n, Aktionsbereich;
    range of application Anwendungsbereich;
    range of atom PHYS Atombezirk m;
    range of prices Preislage f, -klasse f;
    range of reception (Funk) Empfangsbereich;
    range of uses Verwendungsbereich, Anwendungsmöglichkeiten pl;
    within range of vision in Sichtweite
    10. BOT, ZOOL Verbreitung(sgebiet) f(n)
    11. Statistik: Streuungs-, Toleranzbreite f, Bereich m
    12. MUS
    a) Ton-, Stimmlage f
    b) Ton- oder Stimmumfang m
    13. Richtung f, Lage f
    14. besonders fig Bereich m, Gebiet n, Raum m:
    range of knowledge Wissensbereich;
    range of thought Ideenkreis m
    15. besonders US Weideland n:
    range cattle Freilandvieh n
    16. (ausgedehnte) Fläche
    17. (soziale) Klasse oder Schicht
    18. Streifzug m, Ausflug m
    B v/t
    1. (in Reihen) aufstellen oder anordnen, aufreihen
    2. einreihen, -ordnen:
    range o.s. on the side of ( oder with) sb fig sich auf jemandes Seite stellen, zu jemandem halten
    3. (systematisch) ordnen
    4. einordnen, -teilen, klassifizieren
    5. TYPO Br Typen ausgleichen, zurichten
    6. die Felder etc durchstreifen, -wandern
    7. SCHIFF längs der Küste fahren
    8. die Augen schweifen lassen ( over über akk)
    9. besonders US das Vieh frei weiden lassen
    10. ein Teleskop etc einstellen
    a) die Flugbahn bestimmen für
    b) ein Geschütz etc richten
    c) eine Reichweite haben von, tragen
    C v/i
    1. eine Reihe oder Linie bilden, in einer Reihe oder Linie stehen ( alle:
    with mit)
    2. sich erstrecken ( over über akk) (auch fig)
    3. auf einer Linie oder Ebene liegen ( with mit)
    4. sich (in einer Reihe) aufstellen
    5. rangieren ( among unter dat), im gleichen Rang stehen ( with mit), zählen, gehören ( with zu)
    6. streifen, schweifen, wandern (auch Augen, Blicke):
    as far as the eye could range so weit das Auge reichte
    7. BOT, ZOOL verbreitet sein, vorkommen
    8. schwanken, variieren, sich bewegen ( alle:
    from … to …, between … and … zwischen dat … und …)
    9. range in MIL sich einschießen (on auf akk) (Geschütz)
    10. die Entfernung messen
    * * *
    1. noun

    range of mountains — Bergkette, die

    2) (of subjects, interests, topics) Palette, die; (of musical instrument) Tonumfang, der; (of knowledge, voice) Umfang, der; (of income, department, possibility) Bereich, der

    something is out of or beyond sb's range — (lit. or fig.) etwas ist außerhalb jemandes Reichweite

    3) (of telescope, missile, aircraft, etc.) Reichweite, die; (distance between gun and target) Schussweite, die

    flying range — Flugbereich, der

    shoot at close or short/long range — aus kurzer/großer Entfernung schießen

    4) (series, selection) Kollektion, die
    5)

    [shooting] range — Schießstand, der; (at funfair) Schießbude, die

    6) (testing site) Versuchsgelände, das
    7) (grazing ground) Weide[fläche], die
    2. intransitive verb
    1) (vary within limits) [Preise, Temperaturen:] schwanken, sich bewegen (from... to zwischen [+ Dat.]... und)
    2) (extend) [Klippen, Gipfel, Häuser:] sich hinziehen
    3) (roam) umherziehen (around, about in + Dat.); (fig.) [Gedanken:] umherschweifen

    the discussion ranged over... — die Diskussion erstreckte sich auf (+ Akk.)...

    3. transitive verb
    (arrange) aufreihen [Bücher, Tische]

    range oneself against somebody/something — (fig.) sich gegen jemanden/etwas zusammenschließen

    * * *
    (missile) n.
    Reichweite f. (radio signal) n.
    Reichweite f. n.
    Auswahl m.
    Bandbreite f.
    Bereich -e m.
    Bildbereich (Mathematik) m.
    Entfernung f.
    Raum -¨e m.
    Wertebereich m. v.
    klassifizieren v.

    English-german dictionary > range

  • 18 Breguet, Abraham-Louis

    SUBJECT AREA: Horology
    [br]
    baptized 10 January 1747 Neuchâtel, Switzerland
    d. 17 September 1823 Paris, France
    [br]
    Swiss clock-and watchmaker who made many important contributions to horology.
    [br]
    When Breguet was 11 years old his father died and his mother married a Swiss watchmaker who had Paris connections. His stepfather introduced him to horology and this led to an apprenticeship in Paris, during which he also attended evening classes in mathematics at the Collège Mazarin. In 1775 he married and set up a workshop in Paris, initially in collaboration with Xavier Gide. There he established a reputation among the aristocracy for elegant and innovative timepieces which included a perpétuelle, or self-winding watch, which he developed from the ideas of Perrelet. He also enjoyed the patronage of Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI. During the French Revolution his life was in danger and in 1793 he fled to Neuchâtel. The two years he spent there comprised what was intellectually one of his most productive periods and provided many of the ideas that he was able to exploit after he had returned to Paris in 1795. By the time of his death he had become the most prestigious watchmaker in Europe: he supplied timepieces to Napoleon and, after the fall of the Empire, to Louis XVIII, as well as to most of the crowned heads of Europe.
    Breguet divided his contributions to horology into three categories: improvements in appearance and functionality; improvements in durability; and improvements in timekeeping. His pendule sympathique was in the first category and consisted of a clock which during the night set a watch to time, regulated it and wound it. His parachute, a spring-loaded bearing, made a significant contribution to the durability of a watch by preventing damage to its movement if it was dropped. Among the many improvements that Breguet made to timekeeping, two important ones were the introduction of the overcoil balance spring and the tourbillon. By bending the outside end of the balance spring over the top of the coils Breguet was able to make the oscillations of the balance isochronous, thus achieving for the flat spring what Arnold had already accomplished for the cylindrical balance spring. The timekeeping of a balance is also dependent on its position, and the tourbillon was an attempt to average-out positional errors by placing the balance wheel and the escapement in a cage that rotated once every minute. This principle was revived in a simplified form in the karussel at the end of the nineteenth century.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Horloger de la marine 1815. Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur 1815.
    Bibliography
    Breguet gathered information for a treatise on horology that was never published but which was later plagiarized by Louis Moinet in his Traité d'horlogerie, 1848.
    Further Reading
    G.Daniels, 1974, The An of Breguet, London (an account of his life with a good technical assessment of his work).
    DV

    Biographical history of technology > Breguet, Abraham-Louis

  • 19 History of volleyball

    ________________________________________
    William G. Morgan (1870-1942) inventor of the game of volleyball
    ________________________________________
    William G. Morgan (1870-1942), who was born in the State of New York, has gone down in history as the inventor of the game of volleyball, to which he originally gave the name "Mintonette".
    The young Morgan carried out his undergraduate studies at the Springfield College of the YMCA (Young Men's Christian Association) where he met James Naismith who, in 1891, had invented basketball. After graduating, Morgan spent his first year at the Auburn (Maine) YMCA after which, during the summer of 1896, he moved to the YMCA at Holyoke (Massachusetts) where he became Director of Physical Education. In this role he had the opportunity to establish, develop, and direct a vast programme of exercises and sports classes for male adults.
    His leadership was enthusiastically accepted, and his classes grew in numbers. He came to realise that he needed a certain type of competitive recreational game in order to vary his programme. Basketball, which sport was beginning to develop, seemed to suit young people, but it was necessary to find a less violent and less intense alternative for the older members.
    ________________________________________
    ________________________________________
    In 1995, the sport of Volleyball was 100 years old!
    The sport originated in the United States, and is now just achieving the type of popularity in the U.S. that it has received on a global basis, where it ranks behind only soccer among participation sports.
    Today there are more than 46 million Americans who play volleyball. There are 800 million players worldwide who play Volleyball at least once a week.
    In 1895, William G. Morgan, an instructor at the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) in Holyoke, Mass., decided to blend elements of basketball, baseball, tennis, and handball to create a game for his classes of businessmen which would demand less physical contact than basketball. He created the game of Volleyball (at that time called mintonette). Morgan borrowed the net from tennis, and raised it 6 feet 6 inches above the floor, just above the average man's head.
    During a demonstration game, someone remarked to Morgan that the players seemed to be volleying the ball back and forth over the net, and perhaps "volleyball" would be a more descriptive name for the sport.
    On July 7, 1896 at Springfield College the first game of "volleyball" was played.
    In 1900, a special ball was designed for the sport.
    1900 - YMCA spread volleyball to Canada, the Orient, and the Southern Hemisphere.
    1905 - YMCA spread volleyball to Cuba
    1907 Volleyball was presented at the Playground of America convention as one of the most popular sports
    1909 - YMCA spread volleyball to Puerto Rico
    1912 - YMCA spread volleyball to Uruguay
    1913 - Volleyball competition held in Far Eastern Games
    1917 - YMCA spread volleyball to Brazil
    In 1916, in the Philippines, an offensive style of passing the ball in a high trajectory to be struck by another player (the set and spike) were introduced. The Filipinos developed the "bomba" or kill, and called the hitter a "bomberino".
    1916 - The NCAA was invited by the YMCA to aid in editing the rules and in promoting the sport. Volleyball was added to school and college physical education and intramural programs.
    In 1917, the game was changed from 21 to 15 points.
    1919 American Expeditionary Forces distributed 16,000 volleyballs to it's troops and allies. This provided a stimulus for the growth of volleyball in foreign lands.
    In 1920, three hits per side and back row attack rules were instituted.
    In 1922, the first YMCA national championships were held in Brooklyn, NY. 27 teams from 11 states were represented.
    In 1928, it became clear that tournaments and rules were needed, the United States Volleyball Association (USVBA, now USA Volleyball) was formed. The first U.S. Open was staged, as the field was open to non-YMCA squads.
    1930's Recreational sports programs became an important part of American life
    In 1930, the first two-man beach game was played.
    In 1934, the approval and recognition of national volleyball referees.
    In 1937, at the AAU convention in Boston, action was taken to recognize the U.S. Volleyball Association as the official national governing body in the U.S.
    Late 1940s Forearm pass introduced to the game (as a desperation play) Most balls played with overhand pass
    1946 A study of recreation in the United States showed that volleyball ranked fifth among team sports being promoted and organized
    In 1947, the Federation Internationale De Volley-Ball (FIVB) was founded in Paris.
    In 1948, the first two-man beach tournament was held.
    In 1949, the first World Championships were held in Prague, Czechoslovakia.
    1949 USVBA added a collegiate division, for competitive college teams. For the first ten years collegiate competition was sparse. Teams formed only through the efforts of interested students and instructors. Many teams dissolved when the interested individuals left the college. Competitive teams were scattered, with no collegiate governing bodies providing leadership in the sport.
    1951 - Volleyball was played by over 50 million people each year in over 60 countries
    1955 - Pan American Games included volleyball
    1957 - The International Olympic Committee (IOC) designated volleyball as an Olympic team sport, to be included in the 1964 Olympic Games.
    1959 - International University Sports Federation (FISU) held the first University Games in Turin, Italy. Volleyball was one of the eight competitions held.
    1960 Seven midwestern institutions formed the Midwest Intercollegiate Volleyball Association (MIVA)
    1964Southern California Intercollegiate Volleyball Association (SCVIA) was formed in California
    1960's new techniques added to the game included - the soft spike (dink), forearm pass (bump), blocking across the net, and defensive diving and rolling.
    In 1964, Volleyball was introduced to the Olympic Games in Tokyo.
    The Japanese volleyball used in the 1964 Olympics, consisted of a rubber carcass with leather panelling. A similarly constructed ball is used in most modern competition.
    In 1965, the California Beach Volleyball Association (CBVA) was formed.
    1968 National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA) made volleyball their fifteenth competitive sport.
    1969 The Executive Committee of the NCAA proposed addition of volleyball to its program.
    In 1974, the World Championships in Mexico were telecast in Japan.
    In 1975, the US National Women's team began a year-round training regime in Pasadena, Texas (moved to Colorado Springs in 1979, Coto de Caza and Fountain Valley, CA in 1980, and San Diego, CA in 1985).
    In 1977, the US National Men's team began a year-round training regime in Dayton, Ohio (moved to San Diego, CA in 1981).
    In 1983, the Association of Volleyball Professionals (AVP) was formed.
    In 1984, the US won their first medals at the Olympics in Los Angeles. The Men won the Gold, and the Women the Silver.
    In 1986, the Women's Professional Volleyball Association (WPVA) was formed.
    In 1987, the FIVB added a Beach Volleyball World Championship Series.
    In 1988, the US Men repeated the Gold in the Olympics in Korea.
    In 1989, the FIVB Sports Aid Program was created.
    In 1990, the World League was created.
    In 1992, the Four Person Pro Beach League was started in the United States.
    In 1994, Volleyball World Wide, created.
    In 1995, the sport of Volleyball was 100 years old!
    In 1996, 2-person beach volleyball was added to the Olympics
    There is a good book, "Volleyball Centennial: The First 100 Years", available on the history of the sport.
    ________________________________________
    Copyright (c)Volleyball World Wide
    Volleyball World Wide on the Computer Internet/WWW
    http://www.Volleyball.ORG/

    English-Albanian dictionary > History of volleyball

  • 20 Alvor, Agreement of

       The ill-fated Alvor Agreement was signed in Alvor, Algarve province, in January 1975. The purpose of the agreement was to facilitate the peaceful, lawful decolonization of Portugal's former colony of Angola. The conference that worked out and signed this instrument was hosted by Portugal's provisional government, and backed by the Armed Forces Movement, which had overthrown the dictatorship on 25 April 1974, and which had called for rapid decolonization of Portugal's African colonies after a truce in the colonial war. Decolonization negotiations proceeded fairly smoothly in the other African territories, but in Angola, rather than one African nationalist movement or party, three were struggling for power. They were the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto; the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto, who had trained as a physician in Portugal; and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi. By the Alvor Agreement, which was signed by four parties — Portugal, FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA—the decolonization process would be realized in several stages, ending in November 1975, following free elections with the three nationalist parties participating, Portugal overseeing the elections, and the new army of Angola comprised of elements of the three African parties' armies, which had fought Portuguese forces off and on since 1961. Portugal's government in Lisbon and its government and forces in Angola attempted, but failed, to put the Alvor Agreement into full effect. A civil war broke out in the spring of 1975 in Angola among the three nationalist forces, eventually with the FNLA and UNITA entering an alliance against the MPLA. No all-Angola army was ever constituted, and a power struggle among the three armed movements ensued. The MPLA won control of the Luanda region. As the Portuguese forces and commissioner withdrew, Portugal did not hand over power to any one group. On 11 November 1975, with the Alvor Agreement a dead letter and no elections having been organized, the MPLA declared the independence of Angola and the civil war continued. Angola's independent beginnings were unique in African history: the colonial power suddenly withdrew without handing over power officially to a nationalist party, but "to the people of Angola," and Angola was born as a free state embroiled in a bloody civil war that lasted until 2002.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Alvor, Agreement of

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